Historia de Barcelona

Etiqueta: Revolución social española de 1936

  • Fundación del POUM

    El POUM surgió, el 29 de septiembre de 1935, tras largas discusiones en el seno de las dos organizaciones [la Izquierda Comunista de España (ICE) y el Bloque Obrero y Campesino (BOC)] que lo formaron, con una triple finalidad: llevar hasta el fin la estrategia de la Alianza Obrera, impulsar la unificación de la CNT, la UGT y los sindicatos autónomos en una sola central sindical y reunir a todos los marxistas revolucionarios en un solo partido. Estos objetivos, largamente pensados y madurados, obedecían a un proyecto sin equívocos: colocar al proletariado español en condiciones de coronar el proceso político iniciado en 1930-1931 con la caída de la monarquía con la victoria de la revolución socialista, único medio, tras el fracaso de la II República, de transformar radicalmente la sociedad española, superando la impotencia de la burguesía para realizar las tareas que la historia imponía desde hacía luengos años [sic].

  • Elecciones, el oasis catalán, preparaciones bélicas de la FAI, golpe militar, exilio

    Abbazia, 31 de desembre [1936]

    RESUM DE L’ANY 1936

    […]

    Vaig començar-lo amb una dolorisíssima operació quirúrgica, suportada amb un estoïcisme que sorprengué els metges.

    Vingué, després, la campanya electoral per a les eleccions del 16 de febrer. A Catalunya, no es pot negar la victòria de les esquerres. Amb ella els catalans mostraren una vegada més llur incapacitat política.

    Els primers dies després de les eleccions, l’ambient que es respirava a Barcelona era absolutament revolucionari. Vaig escoltar, des del meu llit, el crit de: «Morí Cambó!», proferit per una multitud de manifestants. Si un grup hagués assaltat la meva casa, hauria restat sense càstig i és possible que aquella nit s’hagués iniciat la revolució social a Barcelona.

    En les eleccions vaig ésser derrotat i a la meva derrota dec la vida. És curiós que tingui d’agrair-la als companys de candidatura que no compliren el seu deure d’assegurar la meva elecció.

    El mes de març i part d’abril vaig passar-los a Piestany, fent una cura que em deixà extenuat. Durant aquests temps, a tot Espanya roncava la revolta i se’n produïren, sovint, violents esclats. A Catalunya hi havia pau i la nostra gent, beata, parlava de «l’oasi català».

    Jo no creia en l’oasi; sabia que hi havia pau perquè la FAI s’estava organitzant i no volia afeblir l’embranzida que preparava. Creia, però, en la possibilitat que el govern s’espantés de l’abís que s’obria als seus peus i es decidís a plantar cara: hauria guanyat la partida. Amb aquest pensament vaig publicar un article sostenint la tesi que un govern, quan les forces coactives li romanen fidels, és avui invencible … i no hi havia dubte que, per a contenir l’onda revolucionària, el govern hauria comptat amb tota la força pública i una bona part dels elements de Front Popular. Desgraciadament, el govern s’anà eliminant a mesura que les organitzacions revolucionàries mostraven major audàcia.

    Vaig donar en maig i juny algunes conferències. Tesi: la lluita de blocs incompatibles és la guerra civil; els règims democràtics són encara els que asseguren un major grau de prosperitat; un cop militar provocaria una terrible reacció esquerrista. Sóc antifeixista, antidictatorial, però, enfront de l’anarquia, com a mal menor, ha de venir la força.

    Vaig sortir d’Espanya a primers de juliol amb veritable recança. Jo no creia que la FAI donés el cop abans de la tardor i tampoc creia jo en el cop militar, si no era provocat per una situació de major anarquia. El govern podia, encara, dominar la situació i jo creia que ho faria.

    Al tenir notícia de l’assassinat de Calvo Sotelo, vaig creure en la imminència d’un cataclisme. A l’assabentar-me del cop militar, vaig preveure la terrible reacció esquerrana. Al veure, als pocs dies, que estàvem en guerra civil, s’inicià el meu pessimisme.

    La notícia de les destrosses fetes a casa meva i de la confiscació de tots els meus béns em deixaren serè. Sols en pensar en coses concretes, sovint petites, que havia perdut, m’entrava una gran recança.

    [etc]

  • Bombardeo Plaza España, defenestración piano, saqueos posteriores

    Cuenta papá que las tropas de Franco se levantaron en Africa el 18 de julio. Al día siguiente una bomba los sacó de la cama. Su papá, el yayo José, fue a investigar a la luz de un día sin sol. «Quedaros tranquilos en casa, voy a ver qué ha pasado». Al volver, cuenta papá, el yayo José explicaba que jamás había visto tanta «carne en la calle». La Plaza España de Barcelona había sido bombardeada. Transeúntes, gente de a pie, los primeros obreros que esperaban el metro, inocentes todos: muertos. Bastó y sobró para que la familia se preparara para salir a la calle.

    Cuenta, ahora la historia, que el pueblo de Barcelona se enfrentó al ejército y lo venció. Un pueblo que se agrupaba alrededor del anarcosindicalismo. Las bravías teorías de Bakunin, Proudhon y Malatesta, eran anatema de las de Marx y Lenin. Los anarquistas no estaban ni con unos ni con otros. El primer frente, después de espantar al ejército, fueron las iglesias, conventos y colegios de curas y monjas. El clero temblaba y huía por los pasillos subterráneos.

    Cuenta papá que lo que vio aquellos días, cuando apenas era una adolescente, lo acompañó en sus recuerdos hasta el día de hoy. Papá vio como quemaban los cuadros y las esculturas de las iglesias. Como los gitanos de la calle Los Ladrilleros, en nombre del anarquismo lanzaban un piano de cola de alto balcón del convento de la calle Guadiana de Sans [es decir, el Colegio Sagrada Familia de las Hermanas de la Sagrada Familia de Urgel, ve por ejemplo Manuel García Gargallo, L’ensenyament de l’església a la ciutat de Barcelona, ahora parte de la Escola Joan Pelegrí]. La fuerte impresión de ver las monjas momificadas emparedadas en los subterráneos pasillos que comunicaban del convento al de los curas. «Monjas con sus fetos en brazos…».

    El escarnio esperpento de Valle-Inclan finalizaba en la Diagonal donde en desfile carnestolendo al grito de «a las barrricadas» proclamaba el triunfo de la Revolución. Camiones llenos de obreros, gitanos, chulos y todas «las putas del barrio chino» que se iban para el frente de Aragón. Así lo vio papá y así me lo ha contado una y otra vez. Después la historia comenzó a complicarse. Lo que pretendió ser un golpe de Estado militar se transformó en una guerra civil. Una apretada guerra mundial que sirvió de ensayo general para la gran guerra. La última guerra idealista del siglo de las guerras.

  • Revolución social en las afueras

    De volgende morgen in alle vroegte werd ik gewekt door schoten. Geïsoleerde knallen en het doffe dreunen van kanonnen in de verte. Daartussen gaapte een doodse stilte. Geen tram ging voorbij, geen auto. Ik wist uit ervaring wat deze stilte betekende: Algemene staking. Juanito had dus toch gelijk gehad… Ik snelde de straat op.

    Het werd een gedenkwaardige Zondag, een van de drie, vier dagen die een mens nooit meer vergeet.

    Daar wij aan de rand van de stad woonden, waren wij volkomen afgesneden. Geen nieuws drong tot ons door, er viel niet aan concrete berichten te komen. Maar het dreunen van de kanonnen zei genoeg.

    Alvorens de stad in te gaan, klommen wij op een van de heuvels die naar de Tibidabo omhoogleiden, en van daar uit konden wij geheel de uitgestrekte stad overzien. Verscheidene vliegtuigen cirkelden onheilspellend boven de centrale wijken en rondom het fort Montjuich dat de haven beheerst. Dikke rookpluimen stegen van verschillende punten op. Brandende kerken! Brandende kloosters! Dikwijls waren gehele stadswijken door de rook verhuld.

    Bijwijlen werd zo intensief geschoten, dat er geen twijfel aan kon bestaan of er werden echte veldslagen geleverd. Het was aangrijpend in de starre, blauwe, van brandlucht bezwangerde zondagmorgen. De straten beneden ons waren uitgestorven. Slechts op de heuvel zaten hier en daar nog andere mensen met angstige gezichten omlaag te staren naar de dreunende stad.

    Toen wij de heuvel weer afklommen, wisten wij één ding met zekerheid: een tocht door de stad zou levensgevaarlijk zijn. Maar de onwetendheid, het isolement was ondraaglijk. Waar was Juanito? Wat deden de overige vrienden en kameraden? Wij besloten een voorzichtige verkenningstocht te beginnen; hoe hadden wij zo dom kunnen zijn die nacht naar huis te gaan. Allen hadden het geweten, waren er bijtijds bij geweest…

    Slechts zeer weinig mensen kwamen wij tegen op straat. Haastig en schuw, met sombere gezichten. Op de kleine Plaza, een kwartier van onze woning verwijderd, vonden wij enige mannen bijeen op het terras van een klein café, dat maar half geopend was. De meeste ijzeren rolluiken waren nog neergelaten. Met hun gedempte stemmen zaten de mannen druk te redeneren. Wij zetten ons in hun buurt om enig nieuws te kunnen opvangen, doch nadat zij ons wantrouwig van terzijde hadden aangezien, vervolgden zij met nòg zachtere stem hun gesprek.

    De kellner die ons bediende, was hermetisch en afgetrokken. ‘Ik weet van niets.’ zei hij. ‘Er wordt geschoten. Waarschijnlijk een militaire opstand… Iedereen had het wel kunnen voorspellen dat…’

    Hij voltooide zijn zin niet. Er was een plotseling tumult, een auto suisde over het pleintje en verdween in een andere straat. Op de rugzijde stond met grote ruwe krijtletters: ‘C.N.T.’ geschreven.

    Wat betekende dat? Vlucht? Occupatie?

    Een tweede auto kwam aangesuisd. Hij hield midden op het plein stil. Aan alle kanten loerden geweerlopen naar buiten. Aan alle kanten was het opschrift ‘C.N.T.’ aangebracht. Uit de auto kwamen een man en een vrouw; de overigen bleven zitten, en spiedden onophoudelijk om zich heen. De man richtte een revolver op onze kleine groep en riep kort en scherp: ‘Manos arriba!’ (handen omhoog!). De vrouw trad op ons toe. Zij zwaaide in haar rechterhand een grote hamer. Nooit zal ik het gezicht van deze jonge arbeidster vergeten. Het was als droeg ze slechts bij toeval haar ruw zwart kleed. Haar gezicht had een harde, vastberaden uitdrukking. Zij richtte een vraag die ik niet verstaan kon aan de mannen die met opgeheven handen naar haar toe liepen. Dan een korte woordenwisseling tussen haar en de inzittenden van de auto, die met dreigende gezichten naar ons keken. En terwijl wij langzaam de handen lieten zakken, zette zich de auto met de revolutionairen weer in beweging. Hij maakte voorzichtig een toer rondom het gehele plein, en verdween dan even plots als hij gekomen was.

    Gewapende arbeiders… dat was dus de Revolutie…

    Wij stonden op met kloppende harten, konden niet meer drinken van de emotie. En wij hadden ook geen lust een tweede maal in deze pijnlijke situatie te geraken, voor het proletariaat waartoe wij zelf behoorden ‘handen omhoog’ te moeten staan. Als stonden wij aan de andere zijde…

    Tegelijk met ons verlieten ook de andere lieden het café, en de bezitter liet nu het laatste rolluik naar beneden ratelen. Het schieten was weer luider geworden, de straten waren volkomen leeg. Van welke hoek zouden de verdwaalde kogels komen? In welke straat zou ons plotseling de eerste charge verrassen?

    Onze woning lag nog als een veilige burcht tegen zijn heuvelflank. Maar het was een onrustige nacht die wij er doorbrachten, want er werd nu schier ononderbroken geschoten, ofschoon het niet zo luid aandeed als overdag.

  • Aub: la revolución social. Muere Apel·les Mestres entre «llamps i trons»

    No hay luz eléctrica en Barcelona. Ni luna. Sólo tiros e iglesias ardiendo. La gente por la calle va de un incendio a otro. Intentaron salir los bomberos, pero el pueblo cortó las mangas. Se consumen las iglesias, pero no la Catedral, ni el monasterio de Pedralbes. Lo gótico no se quema, es el único orden que le impone al pueblo. Barcelona a oscuras pero con bastantes iglesias para poder andar por la ciudad, con el trágala de las caballerías muertas y los tiros de los fascistas confortablemente instalados tras su balcón, asesinando a mansalva. Un millón de habitantes sin más luz que gigantescas antorchas. Todos los templos se parecen ahora a la Sagrada Familia, y Barcelona huele a chamusquina. Largos ramos, pobladísimas lenguas de chispas por lo negro, negro de la noche; y los humos contra las estrellas. La gente callada, de una estación a otra, con su sentido trágico de la vida de los bolsillos, esperando un milagro; dándose cuenta de que nace un mundo nuevo, que puede morir en cierne, como otras tantas veces en este mismo lecho; pero todos husmean el parto; y, barruntándolo, nadie dice nada: óyese sólo el crepitar del fuego. El fuego hacia los cielos y la ciudad negra con heridos por los portales y asesinos por los tejados. Se ven las panzas del humo a la luz de las llamas, no las espaldas, ni la altura.

    Rafael Serrador, apoyado en una farola, mira cómo se abrasa la iglesia del Carmen. No se le alcanza, en su nueva vida, por qué destruyen e incendian, por qué no lo guardan para sí. Le duelen las llamas. Ya ha preguntado a veinte por qué queman, y todos se han alzado de hombros. Sin embargo, algo les mueve.
    Pegado a una de las puertas divisa un viejo al que cree recordar; mirando cómo sacan las imágenes y hacen una gran falla; síguele con la vista, no le suelta y se le acerca.
    – Por qué queman?
    El vejete le mira y le dice confidencialmente:
    –Chist! Hay que empezar siempre por el coro. Siempre.
    –Por qué?
    Ahí está el meollo! –y mirándole fijo a los ojos–: Si no, son capaces de volverse a sentar allí.
    El hombre se lleva a Serrador Ramblas arriba:
    –Ven. Le hace subir a la terraza del edificio de Las Noticias.
    Desde allí se descubren diez o doce incendios.
    –¿Ves tú, pequeño? De cuando en cuando hay que quitarse las chinches de encima y desinfectar el ambiente. Yo he sido mozo en la escuela de Ferrer, ¿sabes? ¡Aquel sí que era un hombre! Ya sabían lo que se hacían cuando lo fusilaron. Esta va a ser tan sonada como aquélla. ¿Crees que queman por quemar? ¡Pues no! Se mata lo que se odia. Se quema por purificar y salvar la vida: para ahuyentar los malos espíritus y rehabilitar la tierra. En el mundo hay dos cosas puras y hermosas: el fuego y el desnudo. ¿El arte? Historias y engañabobos. ¡Dímelo a mí! Fabrico vírgenes del siglo XVI. Los burgueses, los comunistas, creen que quemamos por destruir, que robamos para enriquecernos. Aquí cuando un niño es malo le dicen: eres peor que un ravachol. ¡Asquerosos! Lo de Ravachol es por un tranvía de Valencia, que descarrilaba con frecuencia y mató a unos cuantos. No viene a cuento. Quemamos para salvar y hacer tabla rasa; y cuando ha hecho falta robar es que hacía falta para vivir. Ya sé que no sé quién eres, pero me es igual.
    El viejo estaba completamente ido y mirando la ciudad, lloraba. «¡Ferrer santo! –musitaba– ¡Ferrer santo!» De pronto se volvió rápido hacia Serrador y le dijo tajante:
    –¡Porque si no las queman, volverán!
    –¿Quiénes?
    –Curas y diablos.

    Rafael bajó otra vez hacia el puerto. Anduvo hasta la «Buena Sombra», convertida en cuartel del asalto a Atarazanas. Reinaba un barullo tremendo. Se sentó en un rincón al lado de un librero de viejo y de un vendedor de biblias protestantes.
    –Mira –decía el más viejo–; la cosa no puede ser más sencilla. Aquí estamos los que no creemos en Dios y enfrente están los que creen. Y nada más. Huelgan otras explicaciones. Cuando deje de haber curas dejará de haber ricos.
    –Mira, Ambrosio –dijo Serrador–, más bien creería lo contrario.
    –¡Tú qué sabes, mocoso! Aquí la nada, y ellos con Dios. ¡Imponente! (Era su bordón.) ¡Imponente! Claro está que lo grande es que, para los que husmeamos la verdad, pelea la nada contra la nada, pero eso se queda para los escogidos.
    –Sí –dijo el vendedor de biblias–, hace siglos que nos quieren romper la crisma en nombre de Dios.
    –¡Y lo que te rondaré, morena!
    –Yo –dijo Serrador– creo que aquéllos creen en lo que tienen, y que son ustedes los que creen en Dios.
    –¡Imponente, mocoso, imponente! ¿Me vas a querer dar lecciones a mí? Nosotros creemos en el hombre.
    –Es lo mismo –dijo condescendiente Rafael.
    –¿Cómo que es lo mismo? Aquéllos creen en Dios porque le tienen miedo al hombre, y Dios es buen comodín.
    Rafael le pregunta al propagandista protestante:
    –¿Cómo vendes biblias siendo ateo?
    –Si creyese en Dios, las regalaría. A mí no me engaña ni Dios –le responde guiñando un ojo y descubriendo una encías sin más diente que un incisivo amarillo y gris oscuro, mitad por mitad.
    –Yo tengo publicado un libro –encadena el librero–, donde demuestro que todas las calamidades nacen en la creencia en Dios. Con más de doscientas citas y prólogo del conde de Tolstoi.
    –¿Te lo mandó él?
    –¡Lo recorté yo!

    El café concierto puede apenas con su oscuridad a pesar de las dos o tres docenas de bujías repartidas en mesas, mostrador y escenario. El camino de la bodega estaba libre y el bombo desfondado con una vela en el parche.
    Alrededor de una mesa discutían varios hombres de la FAI.
    –La ciudad es nuestra de arriba abajo.
    –¿Y la Esquerra?
    –¿Qué es la Esquerra sin nosotros? Ya se vio hace dos años.
    –¿Y los de la UGT?
    –Eso es otro cantar. Pero no nos vengan con monsergas, ellos no son nadie aquí, ¡nadie! Aquí mandamos nosotros. Y en Zaragoza, y en Sevilla. Y en Valencia, si me apuras. Referente a Madrid y Bilbao, ya hablaremos.
    –¿Tú crees que vamos a tomar directamente el poder?
    –Ya resolverá el comité. Yo creo que no. Esta no es «nuestra» revolución: es la de las derechas. Ellas lo han querido, ¡allá ellas! Pero por eso mismo no podemos perder las apariencias republicanas. Nos ha llegado la hora de salvaguardar las esencias liberales y democráticas. «Allons, enfants de la Patrie…»
    –¡No fastidies!
    –Sí, hijo: ¡y viva la Constitución!
    –¿Qué se sabe de Zaragoza?
    –Nada. Yo siempre dije que el secretario de la Federación…
    –Parece que allí empiezan a fusilar gente.
    –Vosotros diréis lo que queráis, pero si no es por la guardia civil y los de asalto, ¡ya quisiera yo ver dónde estaríamos a estas horas!
    –¿Y la tropa sin nosotros?
    –Eso es harina de otro costal. Pero vamos a ver lo que hace la Confederación en Zaragoza y Sevilla.
    –Dependerá un tanto de los gobernadores.
    –¡Che, callarse! –dijo un valenciano en la oscuridad–. Hemos luchado todos por la revolución, y ahí fuera todavía quedan cuarteles que tomar.
    –Sí, bueno. Hoy la Guardia Civil ha estado con nosotros, pero ¿y mañana? Lo que hay que hacer es disolverla. Y en seguida.
    En otro local, el del PSUC, Vidiella y Comorera abonaban en el mismo sentido.
    –Hay que formar Comités de Obreros y Campesinos.

    Companys, después de consultar con unos y otros, formaba el Comité Central de Milicias.
    –¡Se hunde la legalidad republicana! –clamaba por los gloriosos patios de la Generalidad un importante burócrata, de la Lliga–: ¡Eso es crear el poder revolucionario por decreto!
    –¿Y quién se lo ha buscado, monín? –le contestaba un ordenanza.

    Siguen subiendo hacia los cielos oscuros las abullonadas columnas de color rojuelo, salpicadas de pavesas brillantes.
    Rafael Serrador vaga por las calles tropezando con las gentes y sintiendo los lazos que le unen con los hombres, y como cogido en una red de la cual él fuese una de las mallas, una de las hebras de la noche. Por la plaza del Pino pasea un hombre completamente desnudo, gritando:
    –¡Viva el Sr. Kneipp! ¡Viva el Sr. Kneipp!
    Un mundo salido de sí, un mundo sin madre. Apoyado en un canalón, Rafael Serrador piensa en el agua, un agua bárbara, ímpetu bronco, raudo, tenaz, incontenible: como el de un toro de fuego, un arco iris de fuego, por encima de la ciudad vencedora.

  • Salida de columnas hacia Zaragoza, alocución de Durruti, bombardeo de Zaragoza desde el Prat

    LA LUCHA ANTIFASCISTA

    Varias columnas de fuerzas leales marcharon ayer sobre Zaragoza

    Al frente de ellas van el comandante Pérez Farras y Buenaventura Durruti

    LA AVIACIÓN DEL PRAT BOMBARDEÓ DE NUEVO LA CAPITAL DE ARAGÓN

    LA REPRESIÓN DEL MOVIMIENTO SUBVERSIVO

    Nuevos contingentes de fuerzas salen para Zaragoza

    Poco después de las nueve de ayer mañana, en cumplimiento de las órdenes cursadas, se formaron, importantes concentraciones de fuerzas en diferentes lugares de nuestra ciudad. Dichas concentraciones recibieron más tarde la orden de concentrarse todas ellas, en el Paseo de Gracia, de donde se trasladaron al Paseo de Fermín Galán, donde se formó la tercera columna, que marchó por la tarde a Zaragoza para asaltar aquella plaza y reducir el foco rebelde, que todavía se mantiene en aquella capital.

    A medida que transcurría el tiempo era mayor el número de milicianos y fuerza que acudía al lugar de la concentración.

    Un gran gentío presenciaba la formación de la columna y alentaba a los combatientes que marchaban.

    A las doce y media, la columna estaba a punto de marcha.

    No puede precisarse el número de individuos que formaban esta expedición, por cuanto por el camino habían de unirse a aquélla otros contingentes de tropa y nuevo material de guerra.

    VÍVERES PARA LOS EXPEDICIONARIOS
    Se hizo circular la noticia de que buena parte de los expedicionarios, debido a la precipitación de la salida, no habían podido aprovisionarse suficientemente de víveres. Con tal motivo, acudieron al paseo de Gracia, cruce con la avenida del Catorce de Abril [la Diagonal], junto a la plaza de Cataluña, y a la plaza de España gran número de ciudadanos que llevaron toda clase de géneros alimenticios para las fuerzas.

    Fue una verdadera demostración de entusiasmo y de adhesión a las fuerzas antifascistas que enardeció al gran gentío que presenció el espontáneo avituallamiento de la tropa. Se dispuso que cuantos autos circulaban por los indicados, lugares cargaran con aquellos víveres y los trasladaran al cuartel de Pedralbes.

    El señor Pérez Farras estuvo en Gobernación a despedirse del general de la División y a notificarle que salían para Zaragoza dos secciones, una de ellas por la estación de Madrid, Zaragoza y Alicante y otra por la del Norte.

    El comandante Pérez Farras se despidió efusivamente del general Aranguren.

    A las diez y media de la mañana salió del cuartel del Parque la fuerza, y van en ella los capitanes García Miranda y Navarro, los tenientes Sandaza, Maciá, Riutora y Gómez, los alféreces Calzado, Tomás y Moreno, los brigadas Prieto, Díaz, Gómez y Amaya y sargentos Blanco, Pérez, Vázquez, Primóla, García, González, Asensio, Muñiz, Cruz, Martínez Beltri, Nicolau, Aguado, Egea, Vidal Sabas y López.

    Con la fuerza iba la banda de música, con el maestro Alegre.

    La fuerza se dirigió hacia la Vía Diagonal y desfiló en formación por dicho paseo, plaza de Urquinaona, Layetana, pasando por delante de Gobernación. A la fuerza se unían los familiares de los soldados y clases y público, que los vitoreaba repetidamente.

    Los soldados permanecieron en los andenes, obsequiándoseles con vituallas y bebidas el público que presenciaba todas estas operaciones. Junto con los soldados iban en los trenes milicias y voluntarios de los partidos obreros que integran el Frente popular, siendo el jefe de la expedición Ortiz, de la C. N. T., quien, con personal suficiente, atendió todos los detalles de la expedición.

    Al frente del servicio sanitario de la C. N. T. figuran los médicos don Manuel Lozano y don Joaquín Viñas Espí, que tienen a sus órdenes practicantes, enfermeras, camilleros, personal de protección, botiquines y servicios de urgencia.

    Va también otro servicio sanitario, además del de la tropa, organizado por don Jaime Aguadé.

    Los soldados expedicionarios, como ya hemos indicado, fueron objeto de grandes muestras de afecto y simpatía, siendo animados para que regresen victoriosos.

    También salieron fuerzas ayer tarde.

    En esta expedición va el comandante Pérez Farras y el dirigente de la Confederación Nacional del Trabajo Buenaventura Durruti.

    Acudieron a despedirles los familiares de los expedicionarios y mucho público, registrándose escenas y manifestaciones de afecto.

    El material de guerra era acondicionado en las unidades dispuestas, interviniendo en la operación empleados y personal de las Agrupaciones obreras.

    ALOCUCIÓN DE DURRUTI
    Sobre las nueve y media de ayer mañana, y en nombre del Comité central de las milicias antifascistas de Cataluña, Buenaventura Durruti dirigió una alocución por radio. Entre otras cosas, dijo lo siguiente:

    Trabajadores de Cataluña, y especialmente los de Barcelona, que habéis respondido generosamente al llamamiento de la C. N. T., lo mismo que al de otras organizaciones, sindicatos y partidos políticos de izquierda que integran el Comité antifascista, tenéis el deber, hoy más que nunca, de escuchar a los miembros de este Comité, que os llama a organizar la defensa de lo qué habéis conquistado en Cataluña, y además, trabajadores, tenéis el deber de salir de Cataluña hacia Aragón para caer sobre esa capital que está en manos del fascismo y aplastarlo de una vez para siempre. En Aragón los compañeros, los trabajadores, son víctimas de las hordas fascistas, que se ensañan con el obrero. El proletariado catalán, que siempre está alerta, que siempre ha vivido a la vanguardia de la libertad de España, hoy más que nunca debe escucharnos. Pero no creáis que defendemos intereses personales, porque se trata del proletariado español, trabajadores, que no puede vivir otra vez «aquello» que todos hemos conocido que nos ha hecho vivir la más miserable de las vidas.

    Tenéis un deber en estos momentos: concentraros en la calzada del paseo de Gracia a las diez de la mañana.

    Una advertencia, trabajadores de Barcelona todos, y en particular los de la Confederación Nacional del Trabajo. Los. puestos que han sido conquistados en Barcelona que no sean abandonados. La capital no debe ser abandonada. Tenéis que permanecer en guardia permanente, ojo avizor, por si tuviésemos que responder a posibles acontecimientos. Trabajadores de la Confederación Nacional del Trabajo, todos como un solo hombre debemos ir a ayudar a los camaradas de Aragón.

    Los aviones de la base del Prat bombardean de nuevo Zaragoza
    El teniente coronel señor Díaz Sandino, jefe de las fuerzas aéreas de la base de Barcelona, comunicó a las ocho de anoche al Honorable Presidente de Cataluña, lo siguiente:

    Esta mañana hemos efectuado una detenida exploración de la situación de las fuerzas rebeldes en la región aragonesa.

    En Caspe, hemos observado una concentra, ción de rebeldes y una pequeña columna de sediciosos. Los hemos bombardeado con mucha eficacia.

    En la parte Norte de la región, sólo pequeños núcleos de fascistas, habiendo encontrado cerca de Huesca a la columna del coronel republicano Villalba que se dirigía hacia dicha ciudad.

    El fuerte «Capitán», en Jaca, estaba ya en poder de las tropas leales, según radio del coronel Villalba recibido en ruta.

    La parte Norte de dicha provincia completamente dominada por nuestras tropas republicanas. Sin encontrar nuevas fuerzas al mediodía hemos llegado sobre Zaragoza.

    Hemos bombardeado con gran eficacia parte de la Academia, el campo de aviación y los cuarteles.

    Las tropas fascistas nos han recibido con nutridísimo fuego de cañón, baterías antiaéreas y fusilería, sin causarnos ni un solo impacto. Cuando regresamos a nuestra base, hemos saludado a la primera columna que Cataluña manda en ayuda de sus hermanos aragoneses en Bujaraloz.

    Con el entusiasmo de mis oficiales y tropas y el espritu combativo de las mismas, continuaremos la lucha hasta exterminar las fuerzas fascistas y libertar a nuestros hermanos di Aragón.

    Hoy, como ayer y como mañana, estamos dispuestos a dar nuestras vidas por la libertad y por la República.

  • La columna Arquer-Grossi del POUM sale de Barcelona y masacra a civiles en Huesca

    Los primeros milicianos catalanes

    El 23 de julio, la columna del POUM, bajo las órdenes de Jordi Arquer y el minero Manuel Grossi, desfiló por las Ramblas y la plaza de Cataluña, para salir al día siguiente desde la estación de Francia en dirección a Zaragoza y Huesca. Fernández Jurado quedó adscrito a la centuria Pedrola ?Miquel Pedrola, miembro del comité ejecutivo de las juventudes del POUM, morirá en el frente de Huesca?, en la que también formaban jóvenes socialistas internacionales como el alemán Walter Schwars o el cubano Juan Alcañiz.

    En Monzón, a donde llegaron los milicianos en camiones, Ramón toma contacto con la violencia revolucionaria que el golpe de Estado desató en los primeros momentos. El colapso político que había sufrido la República determinó una quiebra en distintos ámbitos institucionales, en particular en el control de los instrumentos coercitivos que debían asegurar el orden social. El comité local montisonense había detenido a 6 conocidos falangistas, pero la agitación callejera producida ante la primera oleada de voluntarios catalanes y las exigencias de una indiscriminada acción punitiva contra derechistas y propietarios, impuesta por el grupo denominado “Los Tigres”, elementos incontrolados de la centuria poumista Llorenç Vila, propiciaron nuevos arrestos. Un total de 24 personas fueron congregadas por la fuerza en la plaza de Monzón y al grito de “mueran los fascistas”, asesinadas. Ramón Fernández Jurado explica en su libro autobiográfico Memòries d’un militant obrer (Barcelona, ed. HACER, 1987), la incontenible repugnancia que le produjo la brutalidad desnuda, “una masacre ?dice? que se les escapó de las manos a Arquer y Grossi”, y que a él le marcó con una enorme y perturbadora impresión.

    El siguiente destino fue Sariñena. De nuevo el orden quebrantado y la justicia arbitraria comenzaban a campar por sus fueros, si bien en la población monegrina se atemperaron prontamente los ánimos exaltados. Fernández se alojó en un domicilio particular, como todos los milicianos cuando llegaban en tránsito o con carácter definitivo a un pueblo. La propietaria de la casa, que no lograba apaciguar su desconsuelo, explicó al huésped que su hijo se encontraba detenido en el edificio del Ayuntamiento y temía por su vida. Fernández Jurado se interesó por la suerte de quien resultó ser Ignacio Ballarín Segura, representante de la firma Cros de fertilizantes y abonos, logrando su libertad tras la presentación de testimonios a su favor. Ballarín, padre del futuro notario y procurador de las cortes franquistas Alberto Ballarín Marcial, de doce años en este momento, se convirtió en un buen amigo de Ramón, quien a pesar de los esfuerzos realizados, nada pudo hacer por salvar la vida del joven coadjutor sariñenense Eduardo Colay, ni del coronel retirado Bernardo Cariello. Ambos fueron fusilados mientras gritaban “Viva Cristo Rey”.

  • La CNT incauta el vapor soviético Ziryanin y se sorprende al no encontrar armas; estética anarquista

    Suddenly the excitement and enthusiasm of July 19 raced through the tertulias with the news, ‘We are not alone! Help has come!’

    Collectivized factory whistles all over the town shrilled a half-holiday. Thousands of anarchists flooded the Ramblas and the port in disorderly masses, carrying their factories’ somber black or rojinegra banners. The F.A.I.’s Free Women (Mujeres Libres) went down the Ramblas eight abreast, breaking all anarchist tradition by singing and shouting in their excitement. Usually anarchist parades achieved their effect by massing silent thousands of black-clad workers in an austere, serious or threatening manner. They dislike the gay color and sound demonstrations of the ‘carnival revolutionists’ (as they called the communists).

    The Stalinist Partit Socialista Unificat de Catalunya (P.S.U.C.) sent just such a colorful delegation to greet the Ziryanin. The revolutionary Patrols of Control cordoned off the pier and did not let the P.S.U.C on the ship. Instead, the F.A.I. cadres searched it for arms. They found a cargo of beans and chocolate. The disgusted anarchists hauled down the hammer and sickle and ran up the libertarian rojinegra. Food was not what the antifascists needed in October, 1936.

  • Las calles de Barcelona, relaciones entre el POUM y otros partidos

    Left Perpignan with the two Swiss comrades and a comrade from the POUM at 12.30 hours. The border control at the French border town of Cerbère took place on the train and went quite quickly without problems. The Spanish border town is Port-Bou, and you arrive there in a few minutes through a tunnel. The controls there are carried out predominantly by the CNT people and they are very thorough. Due to the presence of comrades from the POUM our control went through very quickly.

    Left Port-Bou for Barcelona at about three o’clock. The train had been taken over by the CNT, and they carried out a very careful passport check on the way to Barcelona. The third class compartments of the train were very overcrowded. Everybody there was a worker, or at least was wearing workers’ clothes, or military people, etc. The atmosphere was lively, cheerful and confident. As we reached the outskirts of Barcelona the Internationale was being sung in several carriages. At the station there was a further baggage check.

    The POUM comrade took us from the station to the Hotel Falcón in the Ramblas (the main street) where we were immediately billeted. From there the POUM comrade took us on to the Executive Committee of the POUM, where I met Arquer who had been at the Brussels conference. I also met Bonet, the treasurer of the Executive Committee. I told them the purpose of my visit and gave the treasurer $200 from the American CP(O). He told me that an official receipt would appear in La Batalla and in other POUM papers. In reply to my question Arquer told me that an international conference would take place in mid-January. The POUM regarded the Brussels conference as a failure. Arquer explained to me that he found it incomprehensible and contradictory that we should reject the politics of the Communist International but accept the internal politics of the Soviet Union. I tried to enlighten him as to our position in this matter, but I did not get the impression that I was successful. Arquer and Bonet belong to the Maurín wing of the POUM.

    The former Trotskyists who are on the Executive Committee come fairly close to defending the Trotskyist position on the Soviet Union. The others make concessions to this Trotskyist position but do not adhere to it too closely. But it is quite clear from their official papers that the Maurín wing rejects our position on the Soviet Union. However, it must be added that, according to the statements of our German comrades, who are closely connected with the POUM membership, it would seem that some of the members are very critical of their Executive’s position on the Soviet Union. This is not an insignificant point. It stems mainly from a reaction to the change of line adopted by the Soviet Union in respect of delivery of weapons and food to Spain. However, the mood of the POUM members can be summed up like this: they want a good and friendly relationship with the Soviet Union and reject any anti-Bolshevik tendencies, but they are nevertheless determined to prevent any Soviet and Comintern influence on their policies in Spain or Catalonia.

    The membership is quite convinced that it is they who should determine policy in Catalonia, and are therefore not interested in being dictated to by the representatives of the Comintern and the Soviet Union. This especially hits home as regards the policy of the Popular Front and their slogan, ‘For the Defence of Bourgeois Democracy’, which is expressed on a whole number of issues formulated by the party of the Comintern in Catalonia, the PSUC. There is sharp opposition to the PSUC. Every day there are vigorous polemics in the POUM and PSUC papers. The POUM’s attitude to the PSUC largely determines the attitude of the POUM membership to the politics of the Comintern.

    The Ramblas is crowded with people until late at night. The cafés and bars are all full. The public appears thoroughly proletarian according to their clothes and so on. There are few bourgeois around. You get the impression that the town is thoroughly controlled by proletarian elements. The houses are plastered with posters from the CNT, FAI, POUM and PSUC. There are hardly any posters from the Esquerra to be seen anywhere. Along the Ramblas a row of large kiosks with newspapers, books and portraits have been set up by individual political parties. The proletarian appearance of the crowds makes the street scenes reminiscent of Moscow in the immediate post-revolutionary years. There are a lot of milicianos in leather or silk jackets, and countless workers’ patrols carrying weapons. It is rare to see the khaki of a regular soldier’s uniform. The only police are traffic police in blue uniforms and white pith helmets. These police no longer have the power of arrest.

    Along the length of the Ramblas are countless loudspeakers bringing reports from the front and messages from abroad, and playing revolutionary and sometimes popular music. The crowds in the street seem lively, self confident and optimistic. There is not the vaguest glimmer of depression. The news broadcast over the loudspeakers is eagerly discussed by the masses. It would appear that, even in respect to the fate of Madrid,[The battle for Madrid began on 8 November 1936.] there is no nervousness. Unlike Moscow in the early years, the shops in the Ramblas are nearly all open for business.

    I met some of our comrades right away in the Hotel Falcón. By coincidence comrade [Karl Heidenreich] happened to be there too, on leave from the front. Here too the mood was thoroughly confident.

  • La línea política del POUM; justicia revolucionaria

    A discussion with Bonet, a member of the POUM Executive Committee. I asked him the reasons for the entry of the POUM into the Catalan government.[Originally the POUM was not in the government.] He explained that had they not joined, it would have meant their complete isolation from the masses in the factories and the community, etc. Moreover, in exchange for their participation, they had demanded certain guarantees, for example a Socialist economic programme and their inclusion on all official bodies.

    In answer to my questions about military formations, Bonet explained to me that workers’ organisations exercise complete control over the army. The PSUC had tried to eliminate both this and the milicianos, but these attempts had failed. I discovered from other sources that the decree about the militarisation[Militarisation meant the absorption of the militias into the reconstituted army of the old type, set up by the Madrid government, so eliminating the militias as a revolutionary factor.] of the Catalan front had not actually been carried out. Just as before, there are still the party units with their corresponding political commissars. The POUM, like other political organisations, has a special military section in its Central Committee, responsible for its military wing. The state apparatus has been thoroughly purged of all Fascist elements.

    After this I had a discussion with a POUM comrade, a mechanic, who performs the job of fiscal (public prosecutor) in a people’s court (in Barcelona there are four of them). The judges are chosen by the various workers’ organisations. Each court has a bourgeois judge, a professionally trained one, who exercises purely formal functions. The trials are actually directed by the fiscal. The people’s judges are not bound by any written laws, but rather make decisions on the basis of their own assessment, in line with their own class experience. The structure of the trial is also no longer bound by the old rules, and appears, in contrast, relatively free and its procedures quite appropriate. The accused may have a defence lawyer, and members of the public may make statements on behalf of the accused. The accused often take advantage of this opportunity, as statements from the public generally tend to have more effect on proletarian judges than the interventions of a lawyer.

    Trivial non-political cases are still dealt with by the remaining structures of the old legal system, ostensibly because the people’s courts are too busy with political cases, and cannot be bothered with more trivial matters. But that is a provisional rule and there is a move to clear out all the old bourgeois judges, policemen, etc. The proletarian judges of the people’s courts are paid by the government. As a rule they continue to work in the factories, and devote only a part of their time to the legal system.

    In the evening the comrades with whom I had detailed discussions, mainly about the International, stressed that they wish to continue receiving material from the Trotskyists, as they are unable to get hold of such material in Barcelona.

    On the question of the reform of the International, all the comrades insisted that we cannot expect such a solution to meet with the approval of the POUM comrades at this moment in time. The CNT is similarly uninterested in any sort of link with the Comintern. This is most noticeable in their tense and hostile relationship with the PSUC, which is seen as a brake on the revolution in a number of concrete matters. It is seen as inhibiting progress towards Socialism, and as a force behind which all sorts of bourgeois and petit-bourgeois elements (Esquerra, Social Democrats, etc) gather.

  • Los funerales de Durruti; la organización agrícola e industrial.

    Durruti’s funeral was this afternoon. The attendance at the parade and in the streets was massive. The whole city was out. The CNT ordered that all shops, bars, etc, should be closed during the ceremony. Most people organised by the CNT and the FAI were present at the gathering. Particularly interesting was the troop of control patrols (Checas) in their black uniforms. They turned out in their hundreds.

    I learned the truth about Durruti’s death from Nin, whom I met afterwards in a POUM bar. This is the way it was. On returning to the front Durruti ran into a group of milicianos coming away from the front. He asked them to go back. There was fight and he was shot by one of them. The public is unclear about the real story, and assumes that Durruti was killed by a Fascist bullet during an ambush. Durruti’s end is not inconceivable, according to reports of his general behaviour. POUM comrades told me how he was once most unfair and despotic in his dealings with a POUM column, and it was mooted at the time that certain people wanted to kill him. Durruti was very capable militarily, but he often seemed too undisciplined and despotic.

    On Sunday afternoon: Housewarming at a POUM Pioneer House. Like many others this house was confiscated by the POUM. It was originally a bourgeois country house. The pioneers — youth between the ages of 10 and 12 — made a very lively impression.

    After that a housewarming at a POUM library in a part of town called Gracia. The library is in a house which was taken over from a Marquis who had fled. The Committee of POUM Youth is there, as is comrade [Walter Schwarz]’s office (International Left). Most of the library’s collection comes from bourgeois houses in Barcelona, whose property was confiscated. It also contains Comrade [Ewald König] book collection. The inaugural speech was made in Catalan by a POUM member — a teacher. It stressed the class and Marxist orientation of the library and the class nature of all culture. Comrade König works in the library.

    In total, about 200 000 workers are supposed to have been called up into the army by now. It is estimated that in the rest of Spain the number is around 150 000. In any case, it is a smaller number than in Catalonia alone. These estimates are from comrades and are not official.

    Factories with more than 50 workers have been expropriated (incautado), while those with less than 50 have been put under workers’ control. Some of the smaller factories which produce munitions can be, and have been, taken over. Along with the confiscation of the factories goes the confiscation of factory capital. There is now a centralised distribution of raw materials, fuel, etc, in Catalonia, organised by the Economic Council. Foreign owners of factories have been promised compensation, but this is of only formal significance as no guarantees have been made as to how or when compensation will occur.

    In the evening I had a conversation on the state of Catalan agriculture with Comrade Sarda, who is supposed to be one of the POUM’s best agricultural experts. About 80 per cent of the land is suitable for modern mechanical farming methods. About 20 per cent of the land cannot be worked mechanically, due to its situation on mountain sides, hilltops, etc. Modern methods are also possible in the olive plantations, which are very important in Catalonia, and also in vineyards. Cultivating olives needs careful attention and plenty of fertiliser, otherwise they yield a small crop. Grain production is also very important here. Agricultural conditions vary a great deal in the different parts of Catalonia. In the area around Barcelona vegetables and fruit are intensively cultivated.

    The peasants in this area exported vast amounts, mainly to Britain, and were economically quite well off. Large estates predominated in Lérida province, which is now decisively under POUM influence. The other parts of Catalonia are mostly made up of small freeholders and tenant farmers. There are two types of tenant. First, there are the rabassaires. They provide all the equipment themselves and pay one third of the crop to the owners. The owners generally have nothing to do with the enterprise and, living on their rent collecting, tend to spend their time in cafés. The second category of tenant is just like the métayers in France. The owner provides all the equipment, including half the seed. The tenant then gives half the yield to the owner. The rabassaire tenants tend to be long-term, between 20 and 30 years, while the métayers are short-term and can expect to be left high and dry at any moment.

    The revolution immediately gave these tenants the right to all of the crop which they produced. The big farms were expropriated and are now largely collectively farmed, and the rural workers are helped by representatives of the workers’ organisations from the towns.

    Most of the tenant farmers and small peasants have formed unions, sometimes several in one place (CNT, UGT, rabassaires, Anarchists, etc). It is now decreed that every locality should only have one union which all peasants and rural workers should join. Such a union might be thought of as an agricultural cooperative. For the rural workers it is similar to a trade union. The union takes care of the communal sale of agricultural products, the communal buying of goods for the village cooperative shop, and the common use of agricultural equipment, oil-presses, wine making, etc. However, the cultivation of the land tends to take place individually.

    There have been some problems in Catalonia, due to the fact that, under the leadership of the lower organs of the CNT, collectivisation of the land has been carried out more radically than the farmers themselves wanted. The farmers do not agree with many of the orders which have been issued. The leading bodies of the CNT have made statements against these excesses by the lower levels of the leadership, but they do not seem to be wholly capable of eradicating them everywhere. According to the opinions of some experts, these excesses must be stopped if the revolution in Catalonia is to survive, and ways and means are being devised to deal with the situation.

    On the question of distribution of food, things look quite different from what I expected on the basis of a report I got recently from someone returning from Barcelona. In general there is no sign of a lack of food, either in the rear areas or at the front. The province of Catalonia grows masses of vegetables, fruit oil, grain, etc. The restaurants and the food shops have plenty of these goods. In general the workers’ standard of living has risen since 19 July. Wages are up by 13 per cent. They are paid in full even for short-time work. The milicianos at the front get 10 pesetas a day, and their families in the rear are also taken care of.

    There is a certain shortage of potatoes, but this is not very significant. More important is the shortage of fresh meat which has arisen, because the regions from which most of the meat comes to Catalonia have been occupied by the Fascists. There is a lot of fish. There is some shortage of charcoal, the normal cooking fuel of Catalonia. The houses themselves tend not to be heated, as the climate makes this unnecessary. Here and there milk is in short supply. I have been told that many people eat in the restaurants because they get meat supplies. The soldiers at the front get priority when it comes to the distribution of meat. According to those who have just come from there, nourishment at the front is said to be very good. The cost of food is much, much lower than in France. In the party club a good meal can be had for between two and 2.5 pesetas. Wine costs between 40 and 50 cents a litre. There are queues in front of butchers and the shops selling cooked beans and peas.

    In answer to the question as to why there were relatively few turncoats at the front, it was explained to me that this is prevented, above all, by the terror which the Fascists use against the relatives of those fighting at the front. In spite of this there are still many desertions from the Fascist lines. At the front itself oral propaganda is generally shouted between the trenches. The Fascists claim that it is they who will carry out Socialist policies. Fascist aeroplanes drop propaganda leaflets. I have been told of some cases of the Fascists dropping Le Populaire, apparently to prove to the milicianos that the French Popular Front Government has left them in the lurch. It is estimated that the Fascists have shot about 200 000 workers.

    Following 19 July all the churches in Barcelona were set on fire. It is usually only the interior which is burnt out. We were told that these acts of arson fitted in well with the mood of the people. Many priests are fighting stubbornly, arms in hand, on Franco’s side. According to the milicianos, the military strength of the Falangists in Catalonia is thought to be very considerable. They are quite often large farmers who have fled, village profiteers, etc, and caciques, who fight all the more bitterly, because their whole existence depends on the outcome of the war.

    Comrade König, who was in charge of the German bulletin, has now been relieved of this function. The move was prompted by the Trotskyists, and some material about the Moscow Trials was used.[The reference here is to the first of the Moscow Trials] Comrade Walter Schwarz is the POUM’s official coordinator of international links. In addition to that he has been elected organisational leader of the important district of Gracia. To be politically effective within the POUM it is essential to be able to speak Spanish and at least understand Catalan. Comrade Schwarz’s good position within the organisation has something to do with the fact that he has been an active member of the POUM for four years and was active at the front, and has thus won the confidence of many POUM members and other people there.

    The leaders of the Catalan troops are very quickly trained in people’s military schools. To enter one you must get recommended by a workers’ organisation. The entire course lasts four months. It is mostly concerned with training military leaders for the infantry. A smaller department trains those for the artillery. At the end of every four month period exams are held. Those who do a one month course are sent to the front as group leaders, after two months as non-commissioned officers, after three months as sergeants, and after four months as teniente or second lieutenants. The training is both theoretical and practical. It involves the elements of military tactics. The proletarian composition of these military schools is ensured by the way candidates are selected. But the number of bourgeois officers at their disposal is very small anyway, and is certainly not enough to form a bourgeois officer corps. The creation of proletarian military leaders is because of the situation after the revolt of 19 July in Catalonia.

  • El precio y suministro de los alimentos; los milicianos del POUM aprecian las armas soviéticos.

    A visit to the weekly market showed that there are large quantities of vegetables, fruit, bread, pasta and fish available here. It was not particularly busy there. The stalls lacked fresh meat. Some prices: mandarins: between 10 and 15 cents per pound — about 400 grams; good grapes: between 30 and 50 cents per pound — about 400 grams. Plenty of bread and butter.

    On Monday evening comrades asked me to give a talk on the international situation to members of the international group who were about to go to the front. Apart from our comrades Heidenreich and Huber, two Austrian soldiers and two Swiss were present. Naturally I spoke about Popular Front policies, particularly in France. The comrades explained that they were sorely lacking in political information at the front, and that the political commissars did virtually nothing in this respect. They requested that I or somebody else give lectures for a few weeks directly behind the front lines, and they assured me that there would be a lot of interest (I did not have enough time to take them up on this.) Political propaganda at the front is largely limited to providing milicianos with newspapers. These are sent every day without fail. Moreover, it is said that even amongst members of the POUM at the front, the contradiction between the attitude of the POUM in La Batalla to the Soviet Union and the soldiers’ gratitude for Russian arms is noticeable.

  • Juzgados revolucionarios

    On Tuesday I attended a session of the People’s Court, at which the POUM member, whom I met at the Executive Committee, was acting as fiscal. The trial took place in a room at the Palace of Justice. The court seemed thoroughly proletarian in its composition and attitudes. The bourgeois judge obviously tried to fit his behaviour to that of the workers. A doctor was on trial. He was accused of treating a Republican officer wounded in the revolt with injections in such a way that he knew that he would most certainly die. A number of testimonies were given. There was no conclusive proof. The accused was freed. The audience was mainly composed of workers. There were also some doctors. The public took an active part in the proceedings, but were also very dignified at all times. The fiscal really did lead the proceedings. A lawyer defended the accused, putting questions to witnesses.

  • Conversaciones con Nin y Sardà, el PSUC es un partido pijo-progre

    On Wednesday morning I visited a POUM barracks, a former cavalry barracks, kitted out with modern fittings in airy rooms. The barracks are for training milicianos.

    At Nin’s: arranged to meet on Saturday morning at 10am. Car ride to the Barcelona hills. In the evening I had a discussion with Comrade Sarda about the organisation of agriculture outside Catalonia. I gleaned from his remarks that it is impossible to tell what has actually happened. Talking about Valencia, he said that not only the large farms but also the smaller ones had been collectivised. In general it seems that in the regions of Spain around Catalonia people have gone much further than the stated intentions of the government in Madrid. A clear solution to the agrarian problem does not exist in the rest of Spain. The comrade reported that, in some cases, with a too radical political leadership on the smallholding question, there have been a few cases of peasants shooting the ‘new caciques’, and in other cases there has been sabotage on the land. The question is how this can be put right. This must be regarded as a very important matter.

    The press reported the arrest of the police chief, who belonged to the Esquerra. Solidaridad Obrera is attempting to suggest that it was a purely criminal matter, but from other press statements it can be seen that it has something to do with the political manoeuvring of a section of the Estat Catala (the military wing of the Esquerra). These endeavours obviously have something to do with separatist and counter-revolutionary tendencies. The public were only given vague hints, perhaps because the investigation was not yet finished. Checa people have arrested a number of people in connection with this, and have apparently been quite busy.

    Sarda has this to report about the composition of the PSUC. Less than a third of its members are former Communists. The majority come from the bourgeois left. On many matters the PSUC is to the right of the Esquerra.

  • El POUM en Gracia

    In the morning I visited some of the poor districts of the city. They are reminiscent of the worst part of the harbour district in Marseilles. In the evening there was a meeting of the POUM in the Gracia district. Agenda: report on organisational questions. Members were called up through their cells. Excluding those who were prevented from attending because they had to take part in some sort of party task, virtually everyone was present. The district has 200 members. Twenty are old ones, that is members from before the revolt. One hundred and eighty have joined since June. This is clearly typical. The membership is largely young.

    There was a report on trade union work, local projects and work in the schools, and a number of organisational questions were tackled. The reports were short. There was a discussion after each one. At the end some complaints were made about the fact that the local committee had not yet replied in writing to suggestions from the districts. It was explained that this was mainly due to them being pushed for time. Comrades were asked to accept oral replies. Comrade Schwarz was made organisational leader of the district, which met with general approval. Sarda is the political leader.

    In the meantime Gorkin and Andrade of the Executive have returned from Madrid. They had been there to settle a dispute to do with the Madrid POUM column. Gorkin, whom I met at the Executive Committee of the POUM, was very optimistic about the military situation in Madrid. The entire civilian population of the city is being evacuated. In Barcelona itself children have been arriving from Madrid and have been warmly greeted by the locals. Gorkin invited me to the editorial offices of La Batalla for a discussion this afternoon.

  • Una larga discusión con Andrés Nin; las relaciones entre el PSUC y Esquerra; las exigencias del PSUC

    Saturday, 28 November 1936: At 10am I had a discussion with Nin. First of all I enquired as to the long term political perspectives for the government in Catalonia. He answered that at the moment it was impossible to see in precisely what way they could establish a workers’ and peasants’ government. Most interesting was what Nin had to say about the ways in which the continual political shifts among the rank and file express themselves in the leadership.

    This happens through the trade unions. According to Nin the workers are 100 per cent trade unionised. Following the shifts in influence of the political parties in the trade unions, the committees, which exercise power in the localities in Catalonia, change their composition in the same proportion. All political questions are discussed in the trade unions, and delegates are chosen according to the attitudes of the rank and file. It is also quite often the case that in areas where, for example, the POUM is strongest, even the CNT and UGT delegates represent POUM positions and feel like POUM representatives, even though they are not members of the organisation. According to this description the trade unions are the broad bodies through which proletarian democracy is put into effect. It can thus be seen that when, for example, the ratio of representatives of the various organisations is fixed in any locality, its real political composition alters in line with the attitudes of the rank and file.

    It is for this reason that the POUM has expended so much energy attempting to win over the UGT. Their former party trade union entered it.8) They maintain that, despite the bureaucracy of the PSUC and the Social Democrats, who have put all kinds of obstacles in their path, they are in a good position to win the leadership of the UGT. One of the PSUC’s tricks is to allow into the unions all kinds of petit-bourgeois elements, people who have nothing to do with trade unions.

    The POUM is also active in the CNT. They stand for a merger of the CNT and the UGT, and, according to them, this will soon be a reality. According to Nin’s account, which is backed up by Arquer and others, it is just not true that the representatives of the leading political committees are simply named by the party political leadership. They are elected by the membership, or the membership must agree with the selection. In any case the political development of the masses organised in trade unions — and that is equivalent to the entire working class — is reflected in the composition or the political position of the committee. This is a proletarian democracy (which is also the start of the proletarian dictatorship), whose organ is primarily the trade unions.

    Nin was very critical of the PSUC. The PSUC and the Esquerra tend to hang around together. The CNT informed him that the PSUC sent them a confidential letter containing the following demands:

    1. Full dictatorial powers for the government
    2. Exclusion of the POUM from the government.
    3. Abolition of the junta de defensa and all bodies through which the workers’ organisations carry out their control over the armed forces at the front and in the rear.

    Even the CNT, as well as the UGT members, strongly opposed this statement and rejected it.

    Nin also gave a report of a conference or meeting of government members after the October celebrations, whereby, quite characteristically, Companys is said to have called for a Socialist republic, whilst Antonov-Ovseyenko,9) the consular representative of the Soviet Union, came out in favour of a bourgeois republic.

    Moreover, Nin told me of an article which Antonov-Ovseyenko sent to the Barcelona press denouncing an article in La Batalla. He described the POUM as Fascistic. On the following Sunday, Nin and some other POUM spokesmen publicly and sharply replied to this attack.

    Nin says the Esquerra should not be taken for a liberal bourgeois party. There are no elements of the big bourgeoisie in their ranks but, rather, peasants, petit-bourgeois and a considerable number of workers — professional workers. It would be more appropriate to compare the Esquerra to the Russian Socialist Revolutionary Party.

    On the question of the international working class movement, Nin’s position can be summed up by the following:

    1. He admits that the Brussels conference was a flop.
    2. At the international conference in Barcelona the ideological basis for a new International should be worked out, but the time is not yet ripe for its immediate formation.
    3. In reply to the question of what does he imagine the relationship of a new International to the Soviet Union may be, he said that he thought that a victory in Spain ‘through its effect on France and other countries, could alter the internal regime of the Soviet Union’. A reform of the Comintern would only be imaginable if ‘Stalin were to take a walk’.

    Nin was evasive in response to my suggestion of financial payment from the POUM for our propaganda. He said that the party was currently stocktaking the goods which they had confiscated. It seems that they have come across a lot of things of little worth. Of course, I did not pursue the matter any further.

    Characteristic of Nin’s attitude to the Soviet Union was his remark that the workers have less freedom of expression there than in Hitler’s Germany. We both agreed that we were divided by totally opposing attitudes to the Soviet Union.

  • Problemas de la colectivización

    Sunday, 30 November 1936: A discussion with POUM representatives on the Economic Council. Factories with over 50 workers have been collectivised. Those with less than 50 are under workers’ control.

    The PSUC, as a front for the Esquerra, supports compensation for expropriated owners. The POUM and the CNT reject compensation completely. (Compensation would be paid out in some sort of promissory notes, which would yield an interest rate of three or four per cent.)

    Factories with fewer than 50 workers can also be collectivised if they are important for the war effort, or if the owner has fled. Small employers quite often continue to work in their factories as employees. Decisions about production are made by the staff, though in some cases they have to approved by the Economic Council.

    At the head of each industry is an Industrial Board, made up of four UGT, four CNT, four representatives from factory councils, and one delegate from the government. These are the main problems being faced at the moment:

    1. The supply of raw materials, especially cotton and coal.
    2. The difficulties of selling the goods of some industries because of the collapse of the Spanish market and the paralysis of foreign trade.
    3. Small businessmen are getting credit to pay wages, but are having problems getting money to buy the necessary raw materials.
    4. Many workers tend to treat the factory as the particular property of the employees. In future the profits or gains of all factories will be pooled so that the deficit firms can be supported by the surplus profits of the others.

    The POUM delegate did not want an inflation of the economy but it appears inevitable. He told us in confidence that the Basque government has let it be known that they will not stand for any expropriation of firms and factories in the Basque country as has happened in Catalonia.

  • El POUM rebautiza a calles, un mítin, Lérida después de la revolución

    Monday, 1 December 1936: Some of the streets with saints’ names were renamed after POUM people who have fallen. Arquer gave a little speech at each street. There was a procession with music, flags, etc. The widows of the fallen men were there dressed in mourning.

    Finally a public meeting in a large theatre. Nin, Arquer and [Wilebaldo Alonso Solano] spoke, as did McGovern from the ILP, and a man from the SAP. Nin replied to the attacks on La Batalla and the POUM by the Soviet consul Antonov-Ovseyenko to the sound of mighty applause from the auditorium. The meeting was very lively.

    In the afternoon a trip to Lérida in the POUM car with Walter Schwarz and Sarda. Drove past Montserrat. The countryside round Barcelona has been turned into gardens for market gardening and fruit orchards. Arrived at Lérida at about 8pm. We ate in a huge old nunnery which had been taken over by the town council as a canteen for milicianos and deserters from the Fascists. The catering had been well organised and there was plenty of food, potatoes, fresh meat, wine, etc.

    Later on we went to a POUM bar. It is in the former club building of the Rightist party, very nicely decorated and in the centre of town. Downstairs is a café where milicianos and party comrades have lively discussions. The POUM dominates the town and province of Lérida. It has predominantly textile industries. Several burnt out churches. There is a lot of bustle on the streets. Lots of movement to and from the front. The party secretary is a young man in his early 30s.

    There were two regiments in the town made up mainly of farmers’ sons from the surrounding area. The officers had been preparing an uprising in Lérida, but waited for the result of the battle for Barcelona before they came out. After the defeat in Barcelona they did not dare to crack down. Two hundred officers and leading lights of the right were shot, and the soldiers were demobbed. Initially only workers were sent to the front. Now, soldiers, too, are called up.

    We were quartered in the Palace Hotel. It is clean and in good condition. Breakfast — one peseta. The POUM is in control of the UGT, which is dominant in Lérida. The CNT is weak in Lérida.

  • Thalheimer: Visita a una granja colectiva en Lérida, vuelta a París

    Tuesday 2 December 1936: In the morning visited ‘Good Homeland’, about 20 kilometres from Lérida. This property consists of several thousand hectares. There are large vineyards which produced between 5000 and 6000 hectolitres of wine this year. There are timber plantations (poplars) for the paper industry, and corn fields. Even before the uprising there was a POUM rural workers’ group of around 30 members. About 150 people are employed on the farm. After the uprising the property was confiscated and collectivised. The POUM sent five people to help run the place. They have a former accountant here, a POUM member from Barcelona. The different branches of production have workers’ commissions in charge. Wine is produced using modern methods — hydraulic presses made in Germany, huge cement cisterns, distillation equipment which manufacture alcohol from hops, cooling equipment, chemical laboratories, etc. Every year between 5000 and 6000 litres of alcohol are produced.

    The wages of rural workers have been raised to between seven and 10 pesetas a day. There is a shop and a café, both run by workers. The owner had built a huge church for one and a half million pesetas on the farm. This is now used as a silo. Nuns used to teach at the school, but they have been kicked out and replaced by a secular teacher.

    The farm house is an old castle with a high tower, from which a view stretches far into the distance. It is very modern inside. The rural workers live in miserable little houses, each with a tiny back garden. They will be rebuilt next year. Most of the furniture stayed in the castle, excluding the material that was sent to the front — beds and so on. You get the impression that the farm is successful under the new regime too. Difficulties could arise because only a tiny amount of capital (80 000 pesetas) was confiscated along with the farm. The owner was one of the big bourgeoisie and owned some more property near Barcelona, where some of the wine from the ‘Good Homeland’ was made into sparkling wine.

    The farm continues to produce the usual sparkling wine, red wine (tinto) and, from special grapes (16 to 18 grad) the so-called vino rancio, a wine which is exposed to sunlight for long periods of time. According to the farm director, it is not from wine production that the greatest return is yielded but rather from the cereal harvest. Some of the cattle were handed over for the front. The management of the farm is based on a system of mutual agreement and is directed by the Economic Council of the government. The farm has not been split up. I was told that much of the surrounding land was made up of similar large businesses, and that it was unnecessary to divide up the farm.

    Tuesday evening: Left Barcelona. Reached Figueras at 12 o’clock. Left Figueras early on Wednesday morning, crossed at Port-Bou to reach Perpignan. The French customs offices are about a kilometre from Port-Bou towards Cerbère. The French Customs were obviously quite sympathetic to the cause, as there was no customs search and just a brief passport control. In the clear sunlight we could see the snow covered mountains of the Pyrenees outside Perpignan, and below them vineyards, huge timber plantations, etc. On the journey from Port-Bou to Cerbère and from Cerbère to Perpignan many of the labourers who were working on the roads and so on greeted the car with a clenched fist. Reached Perpignan at 2.43. Paris Thursday morning at seven o’clock.