Historia de Barcelona

Etiqueta: comunismo

  • Trotsky deja Barcelona en primera clase para su exilio en Nueva York, pero dice que fue segunda

    The Spanish steamship Montserrat left Barcelona on Christmas Day … 1916. Trotsky claimed they travelled second class. This was one of his silly fibs since he was on record as having occupied a cabin of the first class. The family had paid 1,700 pesetas for second-class tickets but when they turned up to board they discovered that all such berths were occupied, and they were given a first-class cabin at no extra charge.

  • Nace el semanario La Batalla de Joaquín Maurín, «periódico del Sindicalismo revolucionario»

    El 21 de diciembre de 1922 … nació en Barcelona “La Batalla”, bajo la dirección de Maurín. En su presentación se decía: “”La Batalla” no es ni comunista ni anarquista es el periódico del Sindicalismo revolucionario”. Una nueva etapa se iniciaba. Barcelona era la Meca del anarcosindicalismo. “La Batalla” se abrió paso; lentamente fue ensanchando su influencia, penetró en las barriadas obreras. Poco a poco se constituyeron Comités Sindicalistas Revolucionarios en el seno de los sindicatos confederales.

  • La vuelta de Andrés Nin desde Moscú, entrismo trotskista

    In September 1930, [Andrés] Nin returned [from Moscow] to Barcelona… [Joaquín] Maurín hoped that he would enter the new party [Bloque Obrero y Campesino]. But Nin, with all the friendship that linked him to Maurín and the sympathy he felt for the new party, was too closely tied to Trotsky. The latter demanded that his Spanish followers preserver their identity and continue working within the official P.C.E., under the banner of the «Communist Opposition.»

    On October 23 1930, Nin wrote to Trotsky his impressions following his return to Spain. Excerpts from their correspondence, as translated and circulated by Trotsky’s «secretariat,» included Nin’s observations:

    Now we have: 1) the official [Communist] party [PCE], which has no effective force and no authority among the masses; 2) the Communist federations of Catalonia and Valencia, which have been excluded from the party and which, in reality, together with the most influential groups of [Asturias] and a few other places, constitute in fact an independent party; 3) the Catalan Communist Party [Partit Comunista Català], which has a good elite leadership, counts on a certain influence among the dock workers of Barcelona and dominates the workers’ movement in Lérida; and 4) the Left Opposition (Trotskyist) [Izquierda Comunista de España]. The latter has no force in Catalonia.

    A week later (November 12), Nin wrote to Trotsky regarding Maurín, who, «notwithstanding his hesitations, is very intelligent, and above all, a very honest comrade.» «La Batalla» seemed to him to be «confusionist» and he hoped Maurín would soon become a Trotskyist…

    At the end of December 1930, Nin also found himself in the Model Prison, arrested after the general strike in Barcelona…, and he wrote … an article for «L’Hora,» in which he defended the same point of view as Maurín on the necessity of the proletariat completing the bourgeois-democratic revolution.

    Nin found himself … between a rock and a hard place: he wanted to enter the party that was being set up, and he knew that within it he would find a good place, but at the same time, out of loyalty to Trotsky, he felt this entry should be undertaken to conquer the new party and convert it into a Trotskyist organization.

  • Declarada la República (y el Estado Catalán), Maciá («soy presidente»), Companys («soy alcalde»), Iglesias, la CNT y otros intentan aprovechar el vacío de poder

    El funcionamiento de la república catalana
    La nota del señor Maciá proclamando el Estado Catalán
    BARCELONA 15.-Hecho la proclamación del Estado Catalán por el señor Maciá y cuando éste se encontraba en el Palacio de la Diputación, se le presentaron un oficial de Infantería y otro de Artillería, ofreciéndosele, según dijeron, en nombre de la guarnición de Barcelona.

    Después el señor Maciá, hablando con los periodistas, manifestóles que había telegrafiado al señor Alcalá Zamora para comunicarle que había proclamado la República Catalana, constituyéndose en su presidente. El señor Alcalá Zamora le ha contestado monstrándose conforme y dándole cuenta de la marcha de los sucesos políticos en Madrid.

    El señor Maciá facilitó más tarde la siguiente nota:

    «En nombre del pueblo de Cataluña proclamo el Estado Catalán bajo el régimen de la República Catalana, que libremente y con toda cordialidad anuncia y pide a los otros pueblos hermanos de España su colaboración en la creación de una Confederación de pueblos ibéricos, ofreciéndoles por los medios que sean librarles de la Monarquía borbónica. En este momento hacemos llegar nuestra voz a todos los Estados libres del mundo en nombre de la libertad, de la justicia y de la paz de los pueblos. – El presidente de la República Catalana, Francisco Maciá.»

    A la vez ha dirigido a todos los alcaldes de Cataluña el siguiente telegrama:

    «En el momento de proclamar el Estado Catalán bajo el régimen de República Catalana, os saludo con toda el alma y os pido que prometáis la colaboración para sostenerla, comenzando por proclamarla en vuestras ciudades y preparandoos para defenderla cuando os lo pida. Por la libertad de Cataluña, por la hermandad con los otros pueblos de España, por la paz internacional, sabed haceros dignos. – El presidente de la República Catalana.

    Los delegados del señor Maciá se incautan de las comunicaciones

    Por acuerdo del presidente de la República Catalana, varios delegados se incautaron de las oficinas de Telégrafos, de la Administración central de Correos y de la Central de Teléfonos.

    De Telégrafos se hizo cargo el que era oficial de dicho Centro y ha estado varias veces detenido por relación con los elementos revolucionarios, señor Escrich. De la Central de Correos se posesionó don Artemio Aiguadé, hermano del doctor del mismo apellido, y en la Central de Teléfonos se instaló el señor Miralles Pi, periodista, que ejercerá allí la censura para evitar que en las informaciones que se transmitan se den noticias tendenciosas, y sobre todo alarmistas, de sucesos.

    Numerosas manifestaciones

    Entre tanto, a medida que avanzaba la tarde las calles estaban llenas de público, recorriendolas en numerosas manifestaciones, algunas de las cuales iban con bandas de música, otras, llevando bustos de la República, y en general, los manifestantes con banderas de la República y banderas catalanas, dando vivas, cantando la Marsellesa y otros himnos del mismo carácter.

    En la plaza de Cataluña, un joven que pasaba en automóvil ha hecho unos disparos al aire, como protesta contra la actitud de algunos grupos de manifestantes. Estos le han rodeado, apaleándole, y la fuerza pública le ha protegido, llevándolo detenido.

    El gobernador recibe la orden de resignar el mando

    Al atardecer, el exconcejal y exdiputado radical don Emiliano Iglesias, con un grupo de elementos republicanos, se trasladaron al Gobierno civil para pedir al señor Márquez Caballero que le hiciera entrega de los poderes. El gobernador se negó en absoluto.

    El señor Iglesias se presentó nuevamente en el Gobierno civil, y como el señor Márquez Caballero, después de discutir con él, se retirase a sus habitaciones, se hizo presentar a los funcionarios que en el Gobierno se hallaban, incluso el jefe de la Guardia de Seguridad, todos los cuales le ofrecieron servir a la República con absoluta lealtad. El señor Iglesias dijo que se congratulaba de estas manifestaciones y que quería hacérselas saber al público.

    Efectivamente, salió al balcón con dicho oficial; pero los grupos, formados por varios millares de personas, prorrumpieron en gritos y denuestos tratando, al parecer, de penetrar en el edificio. Finalmente, y después de una serie de pequeños incidentes, los guardias se quitaron los escudos de los cascos y el oficial también hizo lo propio, con lo cual se calmaron los ánimos de los manifestantes.

    Casi al mismo tiempo que esto ocurría, el señor Márquez Caballero, puesto al habla con Madrid por teléfono, recibió orden del señor Maura para que resignase el mando en el presidente de la Audiencia.

    Don Emiliano Iglesias se niega a obedecer las órdenes de Madrid

    El presidente de la Audiencia se personó en el Gobierno civil para hacerse cargo del mando, conforme a lo comunicado por el nuevo ministro de la Gobernación, pero el señor Iglesias se negó a entregarla y, dirigiéndose luego a los periodistas y personas allí reunidos, dijo que actuaba en nombre del Comité Ejecutivo de Acción Ciudadana del partido radical en vista de que los elementos republicanos de Maciá se han hecho cargo de la Diputación y el Ayuntamiento. Hizo también un gran elogio al sentido de la disciplina del general Despujol, al que había visitado, y el cual le dijo que entregará el mando a quien le ordene el ministro del Ejército del Gobierno constituido, pero no a ninguna otra persona.

    Añadió que había saludado a los oficiales del Ejército que se encontraban en el antedespacho del capitán general, diciéndoles que había que pensar en España sobre todo, y que con esto ya quería significar bastante. Por último, ha dicho que facilitaría más tarde una alocución al pueblo de Barcelona.

    Se intenta asaltar y quemar el Archivo Antropométrico

    … A las diez de la noche un numeroso grupo se presentó frente a la delegación de Policía de Atarazanas, en donde está el archivo de ficheros antropométricos, con el intento, al parecer, de asaltar aquélla y destruir el archivo.

    Ante la actitud de los manifestantes, los guardias de Seguridad hicieron varios disparos, resultando muerto un soldado, que pasaba, al parecer casualmente, por aquel lugar, del batallón de Cazadores de Estella, y que no ha sido identificado, y varios heridos.

    En Capitanía fueron asistidos de heridas de arma de fuego Andrés Castillo y José Roquet, ambos guardias civiles. No se tienen más detalles.

    A medianoche se promovió un tiroteo – sin que se puedan saber las causas – en la calle de Anselmo Clavé, resultando muerto el vigilante nocturno Buenaventura Alsina, de cincuenta y cuatro años, y gravemente herido el guardia de Seguridad número 555, que ha ingresado en el Clínico.

    En el centro de Barcelona, a primera hora de la madrugada, continuaba extraordinaria animación, funcionando normalmente todos los teatros y establecimientos públicos.

    Nota de los Sindicatos Unicos

    Los Sindicatos Unicos han remitido la siguiente nota a los periódicos: «Ha sido proclamada la República en España. El nefasto Borbón que nos tenía la argolla al cuello, ha tenido que dejar el Poder. El Ayuntamiento, la Diputación, Correos y Telégrafos, están en manos del pueblo. Para sancionar estos hechos, el pueblo debe manifestarse en la calle. No nos entusiasma una República burguesa, pero no consentiremos una nueva Dictadura. Contra una posible reacción de los elementos armados, el pueblo debe estar en pie. Si la República ha de consolidarse indudablemente contando con la organización obrera. Como condición previa exigimos la inmediata libertad de todos nuestros presos. Después de este primordial, impondremos otras condiciones. La Confederación Regional del Trabajo de Cataluña declara la huelga general y está a la expectativa de los acontecimientos. Por la libertad de los presos, por la revolución, ¡viva la Confederación Nacional del Trabajo de España! Por la Organización obrera Comité Regional de Cataluña, Federación Local de Sindicatos de Barcelona.»

    Asalto a las cárceles

    A las cinco de la tarde, el director de la Cárcel Celular tuvo noticia de que llegaba una manifestación a exigir la libertad de los presos políticos. Por teléfono pidió al gobernador diciendo que estaba en gran compromiso por no haber presos políticos. El gobernador dijo que mandaba fuerza y que procurase contener a la manifestación. No fiándose de ello, el director comunicó con el capitán general, quien le contestó que iba a proclamar el estado de guerra y que mientras llegaba la manifestación la contuviese, que él mandaría un destacamento de la Guardia civil. Mientras tanto, llegó la manifestación, prendieron fuego a la puerta de la Cárcel, la derribaron con picos y mazas y dejaron en libertad a los 600 presos, casi todos ellos por delitos comunes. Han quedado solamente dos presos ciegos y tres locos.

    En la cárcel de mujeres ha ocurrido lo mismo. Fueron libertadas todas las presas y rotos los archivos y tiraron la fichas antropométricas.

    Asalto a Correos

    A primeras horas de la madrugada varios individuos se presentaron en el edificio de Correos e intentaron desarmar a unos guardias, lo que consiguieron. Cuando estaban en la parte superior donde había otros guardias con carabinas les encañaron las pistolas los desconocidos disparándoles varios tiros. Una de las balas tropezó con un mauser y otra rozó la rente de un guardia. Los guardias se defendieron disparando sus carabinas y matando a dos de los asaltantes que sujetaban con las manos sus pistolas. Los otros asaltantes se dieron a la fuga.

    Los estudiantes aceptan la República Catalana

    El presidente de la F. U. E., señor Sbert, que desde los primeros momentos estuvo ayer al lado de los republicanos, y que asistió a todos los actos que tuvieron lugar desde la proclamación de la República en Barcelona, manifestó a los periodistas que acababa de hablar con el presidente de la República Catalana, señor Maciá, poniéndose incondicionalmente a su disposición para la defensa del régimen naciente. Expuso que la F. U. E. tiene ya reconocida la fórmula federal del Estado en sus estatutos, y por tanto, no es, para ella ninguna violencia acatar la modalidad de la República federal, sino por el contrario, encaja perfectamente en su ideario.

    En cuanto a la actitud de los estudiantes, dijo que éstos volverán inmediatamente a la Universidad, por cuanto ha terminado su pleito de incompatibilidad con el régimen.

    El ministro del Gobierno provisional de Cataluña señor Carrasco, a Madrid. – Nicolau y Maciá conferencian

    A primera hora [del día 15] salió para Madrid en avión el ministro del Gobierno provisional de Cataluña, señor Carrasco, encargado de una misión especial cerca del Gobierno central.

    Al mediodía llegó al aeródromo del Prat del Llobregat el ministro de Economía del Gobierno central, Nicolau d’Olwer, el cual celebró una conferencia telefónica con el presidente, señor Maciá, y acto seguido reanudó su viaje aéreo hacia Madrid.

    El autor de la muerte de don Eduardo Dato en libertad

    Se ha ordenado que sean puestos en libertad quince presos políticos y sociales que estaban en Figueras. Entre ellos figura Pedro Matéu, condenado a cadena perpetua por la muerte de don Eduardo Dato.

    El presidente del Gobierno provisional de Cataluña aplaudido por la multitud

    … A las cuatro de la mañana [del día 15] desfiló por la plaza de la Constitución un regimiento de Infantería, con una banda de música, y al llegar al Palacio de la Generalidad, donde estaba reunido constituído en sesión permanente el Gobierno provisional de Cataluña, el presidente, señor Maciá, salió al balcón y fue saludado calurosamente por la multitud reunida en la plaza.

    En el zaguán de la Diputación formó un piquete de Ingenieros, que al paso de una compañía de Carabineros, precedida por la bandera republicana, rindió los honores correspondientes.

    [Cese rector de la universidad]

  • Tensiones en la Olimpiada Popular

    Wij wisten dat het gebeuren zou, en toch scheen niemand het zich duidelijk voorgesteld te hebben. Men leeft haast zonder fantasie. En in Spanje, het land van de onbegrensde mogelijkheden, rekent een ieder, – als het zo in zijn kraam te pas komt, – gaarne op onmogelijkheden.

    Er was ook een pracht-ding aanwezig om de aandacht af te leiden, vooral in Barcelona: de Volksolympiade. Daarvoor werd iedereen gemobiliseerd die anti-fascistische neigingen bezat. Men zou de wereld eens tonen wat een volk in vrijheid binnen de kortst mogelijke tijd tot stand kon brengen; en vooral Duitsland met zijn belemmerde en tendentieuze Olympiade wilde men een gevoelige les geven. De Volksfront-regering had eerst aarzelend haar steun verleend, maar er zouden grote sport-kampioenen uit de Sovjet-Unie komen. Dat moest de beste attractie vormen. Op het laatste ogenblik bleven zij echter weg. Niet toevalligerwijze. Want op de openingsavond van de Olympiade brak de fascistische revolte op het Schiereiland uit.

    Alle vrienden hadden gedurende de eerste weken van Juli als waanzinnigen aan de ‘Olimpiada Popular’ gewerkt, want zoals het hier in Spanje nu eenmaal de gewoonte is, werd alles tot het laatste, allerlaatste moment uitgesteld. Elkeen is er heilig van overtuigd dat niets in orde is en alles in het honderd loopt, maar tenslotte wordt dan, als door een wonder, het meeste toch nog brillant geïmproviseerd. Een ieder was doodmoe, en er heerste de fatale onweersstemming van alle ‘generale repetities’ toen wij op de vooravond van de Olympiade (Zaterdag 18 Juli) in het Stadion, boven in het Park van de vroegere Wereldtentoonstelling bijeenkwamen. Stellig was er ook nog een andere nervositeit bij de velen die in politiek opzicht ingelicht waren, en die wisten wat ginds in Marokko begonnen was.

    In het Stadion dat fantastisch gelegen is, met een overweldigend panorama op de stad Barcelona en de omliggende bergen, waren juist een paar grote auto’s vol franse sportslieden aangekomen, die zich bij de ingang verdrongen, en met bewondering de heerlijke omgeving in ogenschouw namen. Binnen enkele dagen zouden de meesten van hen vol teleurstelling en angst dezelfde stad de rug toekeren!

    Binnen in het Stadion was het een verschrikkelijk doorelkaar-geloop; de verschillende sportbureau’s waren eerst daags tevoren naar het Stadion overgebracht, en bij de aangeboren onverschilligheid voor organisatie bij de Spanjaarden, wist niemand meer waar hij wezen moest. Het leek wel een gekkenhuis.

    Verschillende spaanse sportmensen hoorde ik het plan opperen, daar in het Stadion te blijven slapen, om de volgende morgen meteen op hun post te kunnen zijn. Zij zagen er allen oververmoeid uit, van de inspanning der laatste dagen en door een groot tekort aan slaap. Kenmerkend waren de gesprekken die wij toen voerden. Juanito, een van de ijverigste leden van de arbeiderssportvereniging, een jongen van zeventien, achttien jaar, was hoogst opgewonden op de repetitie gekomen; hij moest aanstonds weer weg met nog enige andere jongens van zijn groep. Zij moesten onmiddellijk naar hun partijlokaal, zeide hij, want de fascisten hadden voor die nacht een staatsgreep op touw gezet, en hij moest patrouilleren. Dat was de avond tevoren.

    Nu, in het Stadion, vroegen wij hem ironisch: ‘Hadden ze jullie per telefoon gewaarschuwd? Het is te hopen dat jullie vanavond weer geen golpe de estado (staatsgreep) opvoeren.’

    De brave Juanito trachtte met alle overtuigingskracht waarover hij beschikte, ons duidelijk te maken, dat er niet te spotten viel, dat het werkelijk om ‘algo serio’ (iets ernstigs) ging. Wist ik dan niet dat de leden van de F.A.I. avond aan avond schietlessen en onderricht in straatgevechten gaven aan de arbeiders, zelfs aan de meer voortvarende leden van àndere organisaties en partijen? Ook Juanito was er een paar maal geweest en had er de beginselen van de schietkunst geleerd. Maar gisteravond had de Partij hen allen weer naar huis gezonden, omdat toch niemand van hen een wapen bezat.

    Hetgeen met Juanito geschiedde, was het geval met honderden andere arbeiders.

    Typerend voor de toestand was ook, dat bepaalde arbeiders-sectoren vijandig tegenover de Volksolympiade stonden. Deze werd namelijk ernstig bedreigd door de langdurige transportarbeidersstaking.

    Het Olympiade-comité had de stakingsleiders (C.N.T.) gevraagd een uitzondering voor de Olympiade te maken; dit verzoek werd evenwel geweigerd, en zo kreeg men het ongewone en ietwat penibele schouwspel te genieten, dat de transporten voor de Olympiade, – bedden voor de deelnemers, levensmiddelen, bagage e.d. – door de vrachtauto’s van het leger werden verricht, en door het geschoolde militaire stakingsbrekers- en onderkruiperspersoneel, dat bij zulke gelegenheden op de proppen komt. Het was een niet bepaald geruststellend gezicht. Want overal zag men groepjes arbeiders met dreigende gezichten in de buurt staan. Bij Juanito en de zijnen heette het: ‘De C.N.T. saboteert het Volksfront, zij hebben met opzet deze staking georganiseerd om de Olympiade onmogelijk te maken.’

    Deze mening heb ik vaak horen verkondigen, zonder te kunnen beoordelen of zij gegrond is.

    Toen wij tegen middernacht huiswaarts gingen door de stad, was er niets opvallends te zien. Ook niet in de haven waar ik even geweest was om wat koelte van de zeebries te zoeken. Ook daar stonden weliswaar groepjes arbeiders zwijgend of fluisterend bijeen, maar dat was in de laatste dagen, – juist tengevolge van de transportarbeidersstaking, – iets heel gewoons geweest.

  • Los judíos y la Olimpiada «Popular» que no se celebró

    Le 22 juillet 1936 doivent se dérouler dans [Barcelona] des «Olympiades du sport et de la culture», conçues comme une réplique démocratique à la tenue des Jeux Olympiques dans l’Allemagne nazie. Participent à l’évènement des délégations sportives des syndicats et partis antifascistes, principalement communistes, du monde entier. Les associations juives ouvrières, très actives en Pologne, en France et en Belgique notamment, s’y sont engagées à fond. Avante même l’arrivée de tous les athlètes en Espagne, éclate le putsch des généraux, de sorte que ces Spartakiades sont annulées. Elles fourniront les premiers volontaires étrangers quis se soient portés au secours de la République. Alors, 6 000 Juifs résident sur le territoire ibérique.

  • La CNT incauta el vapor soviético Ziryanin y se sorprende al no encontrar armas; estética anarquista

    Suddenly the excitement and enthusiasm of July 19 raced through the tertulias with the news, ‘We are not alone! Help has come!’

    Collectivized factory whistles all over the town shrilled a half-holiday. Thousands of anarchists flooded the Ramblas and the port in disorderly masses, carrying their factories’ somber black or rojinegra banners. The F.A.I.’s Free Women (Mujeres Libres) went down the Ramblas eight abreast, breaking all anarchist tradition by singing and shouting in their excitement. Usually anarchist parades achieved their effect by massing silent thousands of black-clad workers in an austere, serious or threatening manner. They dislike the gay color and sound demonstrations of the ‘carnival revolutionists’ (as they called the communists).

    The Stalinist Partit Socialista Unificat de Catalunya (P.S.U.C.) sent just such a colorful delegation to greet the Ziryanin. The revolutionary Patrols of Control cordoned off the pier and did not let the P.S.U.C on the ship. Instead, the F.A.I. cadres searched it for arms. They found a cargo of beans and chocolate. The disgusted anarchists hauled down the hammer and sickle and ran up the libertarian rojinegra. Food was not what the antifascists needed in October, 1936.

  • Un extraño partido de fútbol Valencia-Cataluña

    el 17 y 18 de octubre de 1936, Rodríguez Tortajada lideró «los actos de confraternización antifascista» del «Homenaje de Valencia a Cataluña», celebrados en Barcelona a beneficio de las Milicias y los Hospitales de Sangre y que tuvieron como marco estelar la disputa de un partido amistoso entre la selección valenciana —un combinado de jugadores del Valencia, Levante y Gimnástico, entrenado por Eduardo Cubells—, y la catalana, en Les Corts, el estadio del FC Barcelona. Tal como informaba la prensa barcelonesa, el sábado 17 de octubre llegó en un tren especial la expedición valenciana, encabezada por Eduardo Cubells y sus futbolistas, la Banda Municipal de Valencia y el atleta y redactor de El Mercantil Valenciano, José Catalina Llorens, conocido como Pepe Lacomba. Todos ellos fueron recibidos por Rodríguez Tortajada, que había llegado a la Ciudad Condal un día antes.

    La expedición marchó al Ayuntamiento de Barcelona, donde hubo una recepción a cargo del alcalde Pi Suñer. En ese acto la Banda Municipal de Valencia interpretó el himno regional valenciano, además de «La Internacional» y «Els Segadors» y acto seguido se procedió a la elevación de la Senyera valenciana. Como sucede en la actualidad en cada 9 de Octubre en Valencia, se alzó la «invicta bandera» por medio de una cuerda hasta el balcón de la plaza de Sant Jaume, manteniéndola erguida en todo momento. Las otras banderas, la catalana y la republicana, fueron transportadas por las escaleras interiores del consistorio.

    El Festival Valencia-Cataluña empezó a las tres de la tarde. En los prolegómenos del partido, hubo un desfile conjunto de milicianos acompañados de falleras con el puño en alto, dando «guardia de honor» a la Senyera valenciana. Lluís Companys, presidente de la Generalitat de Cataluña, y Rodríguez Tortajada presidieron el palco de autoridades, acompañados de Borisenko —capitán del buque mercante soviético Ziryanin— que realizó el saque de honor del encuentro. Vantolrà e Iturraspe, capitanes de las dos selecciones, se acercaron al palco presidencial para pedir a Companys y Rodríguez Tortajada que mediaran en la liberación del mítico portero Ricardo Zamora, en aquel momento encarcelado en Madrid. En el tiempo de descanso tuvieron lugar varias pruebas atléticas, en las que destacó el saltador valenciano Lacomba, vencedor en su modalidad.

    La extensión de los fastos previos del programa impidió que el «match» se pudiera jugar completo, suspendiéndose a falta de 20 minutos por falta de luz natural. En ese momento ganaba Cataluña por 2-0. Cubells alineó en la selección valenciana a Vidal, Gojenuri, Juan Ramón, Dolz, Iturraspe, Conde, Doménech, Felipe, Amadeo, Calatayud y Stors.

  • La tripulación del barco soviético Ziryanin visita Montserrat

    [Jaume] Miravitlles no actua com un cap de servei de propaganda sinó també com el que avui en diríem un cap d’imatge i comunicació. Ofereix i transmet la visió de la realitat amb un etern somriure. La seva categoria intel·lectual el fa ser un autèntic interlocutor. Explica a les memòries quan -en un dia, i a la nit ja era editada i distribuïda- redactà una semblança del nou cònsol rus Antonov Ovssenko en un acte al Liceu. Tot i que potser era mal vist per les autoritats russes -potser per Stalin- com afirmà, dolgut, Ehremburg davant els elogis d’aquell a un passat revolucionari, Miravitlles acompanyà el cònsol i la tripulació del Zirianin a Montserrat, el 19 d’octubre de 1936.[La Humanitat, 20-X-1936.]

  • La línea política del POUM; justicia revolucionaria

    A discussion with Bonet, a member of the POUM Executive Committee. I asked him the reasons for the entry of the POUM into the Catalan government.[Originally the POUM was not in the government.] He explained that had they not joined, it would have meant their complete isolation from the masses in the factories and the community, etc. Moreover, in exchange for their participation, they had demanded certain guarantees, for example a Socialist economic programme and their inclusion on all official bodies.

    In answer to my questions about military formations, Bonet explained to me that workers’ organisations exercise complete control over the army. The PSUC had tried to eliminate both this and the milicianos, but these attempts had failed. I discovered from other sources that the decree about the militarisation[Militarisation meant the absorption of the militias into the reconstituted army of the old type, set up by the Madrid government, so eliminating the militias as a revolutionary factor.] of the Catalan front had not actually been carried out. Just as before, there are still the party units with their corresponding political commissars. The POUM, like other political organisations, has a special military section in its Central Committee, responsible for its military wing. The state apparatus has been thoroughly purged of all Fascist elements.

    After this I had a discussion with a POUM comrade, a mechanic, who performs the job of fiscal (public prosecutor) in a people’s court (in Barcelona there are four of them). The judges are chosen by the various workers’ organisations. Each court has a bourgeois judge, a professionally trained one, who exercises purely formal functions. The trials are actually directed by the fiscal. The people’s judges are not bound by any written laws, but rather make decisions on the basis of their own assessment, in line with their own class experience. The structure of the trial is also no longer bound by the old rules, and appears, in contrast, relatively free and its procedures quite appropriate. The accused may have a defence lawyer, and members of the public may make statements on behalf of the accused. The accused often take advantage of this opportunity, as statements from the public generally tend to have more effect on proletarian judges than the interventions of a lawyer.

    Trivial non-political cases are still dealt with by the remaining structures of the old legal system, ostensibly because the people’s courts are too busy with political cases, and cannot be bothered with more trivial matters. But that is a provisional rule and there is a move to clear out all the old bourgeois judges, policemen, etc. The proletarian judges of the people’s courts are paid by the government. As a rule they continue to work in the factories, and devote only a part of their time to the legal system.

    In the evening the comrades with whom I had detailed discussions, mainly about the International, stressed that they wish to continue receiving material from the Trotskyists, as they are unable to get hold of such material in Barcelona.

    On the question of the reform of the International, all the comrades insisted that we cannot expect such a solution to meet with the approval of the POUM comrades at this moment in time. The CNT is similarly uninterested in any sort of link with the Comintern. This is most noticeable in their tense and hostile relationship with the PSUC, which is seen as a brake on the revolution in a number of concrete matters. It is seen as inhibiting progress towards Socialism, and as a force behind which all sorts of bourgeois and petit-bourgeois elements (Esquerra, Social Democrats, etc) gather.

  • Los funerales de Durruti; la organización agrícola e industrial.

    Durruti’s funeral was this afternoon. The attendance at the parade and in the streets was massive. The whole city was out. The CNT ordered that all shops, bars, etc, should be closed during the ceremony. Most people organised by the CNT and the FAI were present at the gathering. Particularly interesting was the troop of control patrols (Checas) in their black uniforms. They turned out in their hundreds.

    I learned the truth about Durruti’s death from Nin, whom I met afterwards in a POUM bar. This is the way it was. On returning to the front Durruti ran into a group of milicianos coming away from the front. He asked them to go back. There was fight and he was shot by one of them. The public is unclear about the real story, and assumes that Durruti was killed by a Fascist bullet during an ambush. Durruti’s end is not inconceivable, according to reports of his general behaviour. POUM comrades told me how he was once most unfair and despotic in his dealings with a POUM column, and it was mooted at the time that certain people wanted to kill him. Durruti was very capable militarily, but he often seemed too undisciplined and despotic.

    On Sunday afternoon: Housewarming at a POUM Pioneer House. Like many others this house was confiscated by the POUM. It was originally a bourgeois country house. The pioneers — youth between the ages of 10 and 12 — made a very lively impression.

    After that a housewarming at a POUM library in a part of town called Gracia. The library is in a house which was taken over from a Marquis who had fled. The Committee of POUM Youth is there, as is comrade [Walter Schwarz]’s office (International Left). Most of the library’s collection comes from bourgeois houses in Barcelona, whose property was confiscated. It also contains Comrade [Ewald König] book collection. The inaugural speech was made in Catalan by a POUM member — a teacher. It stressed the class and Marxist orientation of the library and the class nature of all culture. Comrade König works in the library.

    In total, about 200 000 workers are supposed to have been called up into the army by now. It is estimated that in the rest of Spain the number is around 150 000. In any case, it is a smaller number than in Catalonia alone. These estimates are from comrades and are not official.

    Factories with more than 50 workers have been expropriated (incautado), while those with less than 50 have been put under workers’ control. Some of the smaller factories which produce munitions can be, and have been, taken over. Along with the confiscation of the factories goes the confiscation of factory capital. There is now a centralised distribution of raw materials, fuel, etc, in Catalonia, organised by the Economic Council. Foreign owners of factories have been promised compensation, but this is of only formal significance as no guarantees have been made as to how or when compensation will occur.

    In the evening I had a conversation on the state of Catalan agriculture with Comrade Sarda, who is supposed to be one of the POUM’s best agricultural experts. About 80 per cent of the land is suitable for modern mechanical farming methods. About 20 per cent of the land cannot be worked mechanically, due to its situation on mountain sides, hilltops, etc. Modern methods are also possible in the olive plantations, which are very important in Catalonia, and also in vineyards. Cultivating olives needs careful attention and plenty of fertiliser, otherwise they yield a small crop. Grain production is also very important here. Agricultural conditions vary a great deal in the different parts of Catalonia. In the area around Barcelona vegetables and fruit are intensively cultivated.

    The peasants in this area exported vast amounts, mainly to Britain, and were economically quite well off. Large estates predominated in Lérida province, which is now decisively under POUM influence. The other parts of Catalonia are mostly made up of small freeholders and tenant farmers. There are two types of tenant. First, there are the rabassaires. They provide all the equipment themselves and pay one third of the crop to the owners. The owners generally have nothing to do with the enterprise and, living on their rent collecting, tend to spend their time in cafés. The second category of tenant is just like the métayers in France. The owner provides all the equipment, including half the seed. The tenant then gives half the yield to the owner. The rabassaire tenants tend to be long-term, between 20 and 30 years, while the métayers are short-term and can expect to be left high and dry at any moment.

    The revolution immediately gave these tenants the right to all of the crop which they produced. The big farms were expropriated and are now largely collectively farmed, and the rural workers are helped by representatives of the workers’ organisations from the towns.

    Most of the tenant farmers and small peasants have formed unions, sometimes several in one place (CNT, UGT, rabassaires, Anarchists, etc). It is now decreed that every locality should only have one union which all peasants and rural workers should join. Such a union might be thought of as an agricultural cooperative. For the rural workers it is similar to a trade union. The union takes care of the communal sale of agricultural products, the communal buying of goods for the village cooperative shop, and the common use of agricultural equipment, oil-presses, wine making, etc. However, the cultivation of the land tends to take place individually.

    There have been some problems in Catalonia, due to the fact that, under the leadership of the lower organs of the CNT, collectivisation of the land has been carried out more radically than the farmers themselves wanted. The farmers do not agree with many of the orders which have been issued. The leading bodies of the CNT have made statements against these excesses by the lower levels of the leadership, but they do not seem to be wholly capable of eradicating them everywhere. According to the opinions of some experts, these excesses must be stopped if the revolution in Catalonia is to survive, and ways and means are being devised to deal with the situation.

    On the question of distribution of food, things look quite different from what I expected on the basis of a report I got recently from someone returning from Barcelona. In general there is no sign of a lack of food, either in the rear areas or at the front. The province of Catalonia grows masses of vegetables, fruit oil, grain, etc. The restaurants and the food shops have plenty of these goods. In general the workers’ standard of living has risen since 19 July. Wages are up by 13 per cent. They are paid in full even for short-time work. The milicianos at the front get 10 pesetas a day, and their families in the rear are also taken care of.

    There is a certain shortage of potatoes, but this is not very significant. More important is the shortage of fresh meat which has arisen, because the regions from which most of the meat comes to Catalonia have been occupied by the Fascists. There is a lot of fish. There is some shortage of charcoal, the normal cooking fuel of Catalonia. The houses themselves tend not to be heated, as the climate makes this unnecessary. Here and there milk is in short supply. I have been told that many people eat in the restaurants because they get meat supplies. The soldiers at the front get priority when it comes to the distribution of meat. According to those who have just come from there, nourishment at the front is said to be very good. The cost of food is much, much lower than in France. In the party club a good meal can be had for between two and 2.5 pesetas. Wine costs between 40 and 50 cents a litre. There are queues in front of butchers and the shops selling cooked beans and peas.

    In answer to the question as to why there were relatively few turncoats at the front, it was explained to me that this is prevented, above all, by the terror which the Fascists use against the relatives of those fighting at the front. In spite of this there are still many desertions from the Fascist lines. At the front itself oral propaganda is generally shouted between the trenches. The Fascists claim that it is they who will carry out Socialist policies. Fascist aeroplanes drop propaganda leaflets. I have been told of some cases of the Fascists dropping Le Populaire, apparently to prove to the milicianos that the French Popular Front Government has left them in the lurch. It is estimated that the Fascists have shot about 200 000 workers.

    Following 19 July all the churches in Barcelona were set on fire. It is usually only the interior which is burnt out. We were told that these acts of arson fitted in well with the mood of the people. Many priests are fighting stubbornly, arms in hand, on Franco’s side. According to the milicianos, the military strength of the Falangists in Catalonia is thought to be very considerable. They are quite often large farmers who have fled, village profiteers, etc, and caciques, who fight all the more bitterly, because their whole existence depends on the outcome of the war.

    Comrade König, who was in charge of the German bulletin, has now been relieved of this function. The move was prompted by the Trotskyists, and some material about the Moscow Trials was used.[The reference here is to the first of the Moscow Trials] Comrade Walter Schwarz is the POUM’s official coordinator of international links. In addition to that he has been elected organisational leader of the important district of Gracia. To be politically effective within the POUM it is essential to be able to speak Spanish and at least understand Catalan. Comrade Schwarz’s good position within the organisation has something to do with the fact that he has been an active member of the POUM for four years and was active at the front, and has thus won the confidence of many POUM members and other people there.

    The leaders of the Catalan troops are very quickly trained in people’s military schools. To enter one you must get recommended by a workers’ organisation. The entire course lasts four months. It is mostly concerned with training military leaders for the infantry. A smaller department trains those for the artillery. At the end of every four month period exams are held. Those who do a one month course are sent to the front as group leaders, after two months as non-commissioned officers, after three months as sergeants, and after four months as teniente or second lieutenants. The training is both theoretical and practical. It involves the elements of military tactics. The proletarian composition of these military schools is ensured by the way candidates are selected. But the number of bourgeois officers at their disposal is very small anyway, and is certainly not enough to form a bourgeois officer corps. The creation of proletarian military leaders is because of the situation after the revolt of 19 July in Catalonia.

  • El precio y suministro de los alimentos; los milicianos del POUM aprecian las armas soviéticos.

    A visit to the weekly market showed that there are large quantities of vegetables, fruit, bread, pasta and fish available here. It was not particularly busy there. The stalls lacked fresh meat. Some prices: mandarins: between 10 and 15 cents per pound — about 400 grams; good grapes: between 30 and 50 cents per pound — about 400 grams. Plenty of bread and butter.

    On Monday evening comrades asked me to give a talk on the international situation to members of the international group who were about to go to the front. Apart from our comrades Heidenreich and Huber, two Austrian soldiers and two Swiss were present. Naturally I spoke about Popular Front policies, particularly in France. The comrades explained that they were sorely lacking in political information at the front, and that the political commissars did virtually nothing in this respect. They requested that I or somebody else give lectures for a few weeks directly behind the front lines, and they assured me that there would be a lot of interest (I did not have enough time to take them up on this.) Political propaganda at the front is largely limited to providing milicianos with newspapers. These are sent every day without fail. Moreover, it is said that even amongst members of the POUM at the front, the contradiction between the attitude of the POUM in La Batalla to the Soviet Union and the soldiers’ gratitude for Russian arms is noticeable.

  • Juzgados revolucionarios

    On Tuesday I attended a session of the People’s Court, at which the POUM member, whom I met at the Executive Committee, was acting as fiscal. The trial took place in a room at the Palace of Justice. The court seemed thoroughly proletarian in its composition and attitudes. The bourgeois judge obviously tried to fit his behaviour to that of the workers. A doctor was on trial. He was accused of treating a Republican officer wounded in the revolt with injections in such a way that he knew that he would most certainly die. A number of testimonies were given. There was no conclusive proof. The accused was freed. The audience was mainly composed of workers. There were also some doctors. The public took an active part in the proceedings, but were also very dignified at all times. The fiscal really did lead the proceedings. A lawyer defended the accused, putting questions to witnesses.

  • Conversaciones con Nin y Sardà, el PSUC es un partido pijo-progre

    On Wednesday morning I visited a POUM barracks, a former cavalry barracks, kitted out with modern fittings in airy rooms. The barracks are for training milicianos.

    At Nin’s: arranged to meet on Saturday morning at 10am. Car ride to the Barcelona hills. In the evening I had a discussion with Comrade Sarda about the organisation of agriculture outside Catalonia. I gleaned from his remarks that it is impossible to tell what has actually happened. Talking about Valencia, he said that not only the large farms but also the smaller ones had been collectivised. In general it seems that in the regions of Spain around Catalonia people have gone much further than the stated intentions of the government in Madrid. A clear solution to the agrarian problem does not exist in the rest of Spain. The comrade reported that, in some cases, with a too radical political leadership on the smallholding question, there have been a few cases of peasants shooting the ‘new caciques’, and in other cases there has been sabotage on the land. The question is how this can be put right. This must be regarded as a very important matter.

    The press reported the arrest of the police chief, who belonged to the Esquerra. Solidaridad Obrera is attempting to suggest that it was a purely criminal matter, but from other press statements it can be seen that it has something to do with the political manoeuvring of a section of the Estat Catala (the military wing of the Esquerra). These endeavours obviously have something to do with separatist and counter-revolutionary tendencies. The public were only given vague hints, perhaps because the investigation was not yet finished. Checa people have arrested a number of people in connection with this, and have apparently been quite busy.

    Sarda has this to report about the composition of the PSUC. Less than a third of its members are former Communists. The majority come from the bourgeois left. On many matters the PSUC is to the right of the Esquerra.

  • El POUM en Gracia

    In the morning I visited some of the poor districts of the city. They are reminiscent of the worst part of the harbour district in Marseilles. In the evening there was a meeting of the POUM in the Gracia district. Agenda: report on organisational questions. Members were called up through their cells. Excluding those who were prevented from attending because they had to take part in some sort of party task, virtually everyone was present. The district has 200 members. Twenty are old ones, that is members from before the revolt. One hundred and eighty have joined since June. This is clearly typical. The membership is largely young.

    There was a report on trade union work, local projects and work in the schools, and a number of organisational questions were tackled. The reports were short. There was a discussion after each one. At the end some complaints were made about the fact that the local committee had not yet replied in writing to suggestions from the districts. It was explained that this was mainly due to them being pushed for time. Comrades were asked to accept oral replies. Comrade Schwarz was made organisational leader of the district, which met with general approval. Sarda is the political leader.

    In the meantime Gorkin and Andrade of the Executive have returned from Madrid. They had been there to settle a dispute to do with the Madrid POUM column. Gorkin, whom I met at the Executive Committee of the POUM, was very optimistic about the military situation in Madrid. The entire civilian population of the city is being evacuated. In Barcelona itself children have been arriving from Madrid and have been warmly greeted by the locals. Gorkin invited me to the editorial offices of La Batalla for a discussion this afternoon.

  • Una larga discusión con Andrés Nin; las relaciones entre el PSUC y Esquerra; las exigencias del PSUC

    Saturday, 28 November 1936: At 10am I had a discussion with Nin. First of all I enquired as to the long term political perspectives for the government in Catalonia. He answered that at the moment it was impossible to see in precisely what way they could establish a workers’ and peasants’ government. Most interesting was what Nin had to say about the ways in which the continual political shifts among the rank and file express themselves in the leadership.

    This happens through the trade unions. According to Nin the workers are 100 per cent trade unionised. Following the shifts in influence of the political parties in the trade unions, the committees, which exercise power in the localities in Catalonia, change their composition in the same proportion. All political questions are discussed in the trade unions, and delegates are chosen according to the attitudes of the rank and file. It is also quite often the case that in areas where, for example, the POUM is strongest, even the CNT and UGT delegates represent POUM positions and feel like POUM representatives, even though they are not members of the organisation. According to this description the trade unions are the broad bodies through which proletarian democracy is put into effect. It can thus be seen that when, for example, the ratio of representatives of the various organisations is fixed in any locality, its real political composition alters in line with the attitudes of the rank and file.

    It is for this reason that the POUM has expended so much energy attempting to win over the UGT. Their former party trade union entered it.8) They maintain that, despite the bureaucracy of the PSUC and the Social Democrats, who have put all kinds of obstacles in their path, they are in a good position to win the leadership of the UGT. One of the PSUC’s tricks is to allow into the unions all kinds of petit-bourgeois elements, people who have nothing to do with trade unions.

    The POUM is also active in the CNT. They stand for a merger of the CNT and the UGT, and, according to them, this will soon be a reality. According to Nin’s account, which is backed up by Arquer and others, it is just not true that the representatives of the leading political committees are simply named by the party political leadership. They are elected by the membership, or the membership must agree with the selection. In any case the political development of the masses organised in trade unions — and that is equivalent to the entire working class — is reflected in the composition or the political position of the committee. This is a proletarian democracy (which is also the start of the proletarian dictatorship), whose organ is primarily the trade unions.

    Nin was very critical of the PSUC. The PSUC and the Esquerra tend to hang around together. The CNT informed him that the PSUC sent them a confidential letter containing the following demands:

    1. Full dictatorial powers for the government
    2. Exclusion of the POUM from the government.
    3. Abolition of the junta de defensa and all bodies through which the workers’ organisations carry out their control over the armed forces at the front and in the rear.

    Even the CNT, as well as the UGT members, strongly opposed this statement and rejected it.

    Nin also gave a report of a conference or meeting of government members after the October celebrations, whereby, quite characteristically, Companys is said to have called for a Socialist republic, whilst Antonov-Ovseyenko,9) the consular representative of the Soviet Union, came out in favour of a bourgeois republic.

    Moreover, Nin told me of an article which Antonov-Ovseyenko sent to the Barcelona press denouncing an article in La Batalla. He described the POUM as Fascistic. On the following Sunday, Nin and some other POUM spokesmen publicly and sharply replied to this attack.

    Nin says the Esquerra should not be taken for a liberal bourgeois party. There are no elements of the big bourgeoisie in their ranks but, rather, peasants, petit-bourgeois and a considerable number of workers — professional workers. It would be more appropriate to compare the Esquerra to the Russian Socialist Revolutionary Party.

    On the question of the international working class movement, Nin’s position can be summed up by the following:

    1. He admits that the Brussels conference was a flop.
    2. At the international conference in Barcelona the ideological basis for a new International should be worked out, but the time is not yet ripe for its immediate formation.
    3. In reply to the question of what does he imagine the relationship of a new International to the Soviet Union may be, he said that he thought that a victory in Spain ‘through its effect on France and other countries, could alter the internal regime of the Soviet Union’. A reform of the Comintern would only be imaginable if ‘Stalin were to take a walk’.

    Nin was evasive in response to my suggestion of financial payment from the POUM for our propaganda. He said that the party was currently stocktaking the goods which they had confiscated. It seems that they have come across a lot of things of little worth. Of course, I did not pursue the matter any further.

    Characteristic of Nin’s attitude to the Soviet Union was his remark that the workers have less freedom of expression there than in Hitler’s Germany. We both agreed that we were divided by totally opposing attitudes to the Soviet Union.

  • Problemas de la colectivización

    Sunday, 30 November 1936: A discussion with POUM representatives on the Economic Council. Factories with over 50 workers have been collectivised. Those with less than 50 are under workers’ control.

    The PSUC, as a front for the Esquerra, supports compensation for expropriated owners. The POUM and the CNT reject compensation completely. (Compensation would be paid out in some sort of promissory notes, which would yield an interest rate of three or four per cent.)

    Factories with fewer than 50 workers can also be collectivised if they are important for the war effort, or if the owner has fled. Small employers quite often continue to work in their factories as employees. Decisions about production are made by the staff, though in some cases they have to approved by the Economic Council.

    At the head of each industry is an Industrial Board, made up of four UGT, four CNT, four representatives from factory councils, and one delegate from the government. These are the main problems being faced at the moment:

    1. The supply of raw materials, especially cotton and coal.
    2. The difficulties of selling the goods of some industries because of the collapse of the Spanish market and the paralysis of foreign trade.
    3. Small businessmen are getting credit to pay wages, but are having problems getting money to buy the necessary raw materials.
    4. Many workers tend to treat the factory as the particular property of the employees. In future the profits or gains of all factories will be pooled so that the deficit firms can be supported by the surplus profits of the others.

    The POUM delegate did not want an inflation of the economy but it appears inevitable. He told us in confidence that the Basque government has let it be known that they will not stand for any expropriation of firms and factories in the Basque country as has happened in Catalonia.

  • El POUM rebautiza a calles, un mítin, Lérida después de la revolución

    Monday, 1 December 1936: Some of the streets with saints’ names were renamed after POUM people who have fallen. Arquer gave a little speech at each street. There was a procession with music, flags, etc. The widows of the fallen men were there dressed in mourning.

    Finally a public meeting in a large theatre. Nin, Arquer and [Wilebaldo Alonso Solano] spoke, as did McGovern from the ILP, and a man from the SAP. Nin replied to the attacks on La Batalla and the POUM by the Soviet consul Antonov-Ovseyenko to the sound of mighty applause from the auditorium. The meeting was very lively.

    In the afternoon a trip to Lérida in the POUM car with Walter Schwarz and Sarda. Drove past Montserrat. The countryside round Barcelona has been turned into gardens for market gardening and fruit orchards. Arrived at Lérida at about 8pm. We ate in a huge old nunnery which had been taken over by the town council as a canteen for milicianos and deserters from the Fascists. The catering had been well organised and there was plenty of food, potatoes, fresh meat, wine, etc.

    Later on we went to a POUM bar. It is in the former club building of the Rightist party, very nicely decorated and in the centre of town. Downstairs is a café where milicianos and party comrades have lively discussions. The POUM dominates the town and province of Lérida. It has predominantly textile industries. Several burnt out churches. There is a lot of bustle on the streets. Lots of movement to and from the front. The party secretary is a young man in his early 30s.

    There were two regiments in the town made up mainly of farmers’ sons from the surrounding area. The officers had been preparing an uprising in Lérida, but waited for the result of the battle for Barcelona before they came out. After the defeat in Barcelona they did not dare to crack down. Two hundred officers and leading lights of the right were shot, and the soldiers were demobbed. Initially only workers were sent to the front. Now, soldiers, too, are called up.

    We were quartered in the Palace Hotel. It is clean and in good condition. Breakfast — one peseta. The POUM is in control of the UGT, which is dominant in Lérida. The CNT is weak in Lérida.

  • Thalheimer: Visita a una granja colectiva en Lérida, vuelta a París

    Tuesday 2 December 1936: In the morning visited ‘Good Homeland’, about 20 kilometres from Lérida. This property consists of several thousand hectares. There are large vineyards which produced between 5000 and 6000 hectolitres of wine this year. There are timber plantations (poplars) for the paper industry, and corn fields. Even before the uprising there was a POUM rural workers’ group of around 30 members. About 150 people are employed on the farm. After the uprising the property was confiscated and collectivised. The POUM sent five people to help run the place. They have a former accountant here, a POUM member from Barcelona. The different branches of production have workers’ commissions in charge. Wine is produced using modern methods — hydraulic presses made in Germany, huge cement cisterns, distillation equipment which manufacture alcohol from hops, cooling equipment, chemical laboratories, etc. Every year between 5000 and 6000 litres of alcohol are produced.

    The wages of rural workers have been raised to between seven and 10 pesetas a day. There is a shop and a café, both run by workers. The owner had built a huge church for one and a half million pesetas on the farm. This is now used as a silo. Nuns used to teach at the school, but they have been kicked out and replaced by a secular teacher.

    The farm house is an old castle with a high tower, from which a view stretches far into the distance. It is very modern inside. The rural workers live in miserable little houses, each with a tiny back garden. They will be rebuilt next year. Most of the furniture stayed in the castle, excluding the material that was sent to the front — beds and so on. You get the impression that the farm is successful under the new regime too. Difficulties could arise because only a tiny amount of capital (80 000 pesetas) was confiscated along with the farm. The owner was one of the big bourgeoisie and owned some more property near Barcelona, where some of the wine from the ‘Good Homeland’ was made into sparkling wine.

    The farm continues to produce the usual sparkling wine, red wine (tinto) and, from special grapes (16 to 18 grad) the so-called vino rancio, a wine which is exposed to sunlight for long periods of time. According to the farm director, it is not from wine production that the greatest return is yielded but rather from the cereal harvest. Some of the cattle were handed over for the front. The management of the farm is based on a system of mutual agreement and is directed by the Economic Council of the government. The farm has not been split up. I was told that much of the surrounding land was made up of similar large businesses, and that it was unnecessary to divide up the farm.

    Tuesday evening: Left Barcelona. Reached Figueras at 12 o’clock. Left Figueras early on Wednesday morning, crossed at Port-Bou to reach Perpignan. The French customs offices are about a kilometre from Port-Bou towards Cerbère. The French Customs were obviously quite sympathetic to the cause, as there was no customs search and just a brief passport control. In the clear sunlight we could see the snow covered mountains of the Pyrenees outside Perpignan, and below them vineyards, huge timber plantations, etc. On the journey from Port-Bou to Cerbère and from Cerbère to Perpignan many of the labourers who were working on the roads and so on greeted the car with a clenched fist. Reached Perpignan at 2.43. Paris Thursday morning at seven o’clock.

  • Escaramuzas rompen la tensión

    On [Monday] May 3, with fighting at the Telefónica, the open conflict began. [Cusick] points out the somewhat enthusiastic reponses of Barcelona’s anarchist masses to the provocation of Erno Gerö: «At last there was something to DO, something to release the unbearable tension … Again time slowed down and sped up simultaneously.»