Historia de Barcelona

Etiqueta: Andrés Nin

https://lh3.googleusercontent.com/-g9_YnrEOa30/Tw2aIFl5M_I/AAAAAAAA3DI/uOUPvII7QyU/s560/andres_nin.jpg //// Andrés Nin, con su compañera y sus hijos, en el comedor de su casa de Barcelona //// Mundo gráfico //// http://hemerotecadigital.bne.es/datos1/numeros/internet/Madrid/Mundo gráfico/1931/193103/19310304/19310304_00000.pdf?

  • La vuelta de Andrés Nin desde Moscú, entrismo trotskista

    In September 1930, [Andrés] Nin returned [from Moscow] to Barcelona… [Joaquín] Maurín hoped that he would enter the new party [Bloque Obrero y Campesino]. But Nin, with all the friendship that linked him to Maurín and the sympathy he felt for the new party, was too closely tied to Trotsky. The latter demanded that his Spanish followers preserver their identity and continue working within the official P.C.E., under the banner of the «Communist Opposition.»

    On October 23 1930, Nin wrote to Trotsky his impressions following his return to Spain. Excerpts from their correspondence, as translated and circulated by Trotsky’s «secretariat,» included Nin’s observations:

    Now we have: 1) the official [Communist] party [PCE], which has no effective force and no authority among the masses; 2) the Communist federations of Catalonia and Valencia, which have been excluded from the party and which, in reality, together with the most influential groups of [Asturias] and a few other places, constitute in fact an independent party; 3) the Catalan Communist Party [Partit Comunista Català], which has a good elite leadership, counts on a certain influence among the dock workers of Barcelona and dominates the workers’ movement in Lérida; and 4) the Left Opposition (Trotskyist) [Izquierda Comunista de España]. The latter has no force in Catalonia.

    A week later (November 12), Nin wrote to Trotsky regarding Maurín, who, «notwithstanding his hesitations, is very intelligent, and above all, a very honest comrade.» «La Batalla» seemed to him to be «confusionist» and he hoped Maurín would soon become a Trotskyist…

    At the end of December 1930, Nin also found himself in the Model Prison, arrested after the general strike in Barcelona…, and he wrote … an article for «L’Hora,» in which he defended the same point of view as Maurín on the necessity of the proletariat completing the bourgeois-democratic revolution.

    Nin found himself … between a rock and a hard place: he wanted to enter the party that was being set up, and he knew that within it he would find a good place, but at the same time, out of loyalty to Trotsky, he felt this entry should be undertaken to conquer the new party and convert it into a Trotskyist organization.

  • Declarada la República (y el Estado Catalán), Maciá («soy presidente»), Companys («soy alcalde»), Iglesias, la CNT y otros intentan aprovechar el vacío de poder

    El funcionamiento de la república catalana
    La nota del señor Maciá proclamando el Estado Catalán
    BARCELONA 15.-Hecho la proclamación del Estado Catalán por el señor Maciá y cuando éste se encontraba en el Palacio de la Diputación, se le presentaron un oficial de Infantería y otro de Artillería, ofreciéndosele, según dijeron, en nombre de la guarnición de Barcelona.

    Después el señor Maciá, hablando con los periodistas, manifestóles que había telegrafiado al señor Alcalá Zamora para comunicarle que había proclamado la República Catalana, constituyéndose en su presidente. El señor Alcalá Zamora le ha contestado monstrándose conforme y dándole cuenta de la marcha de los sucesos políticos en Madrid.

    El señor Maciá facilitó más tarde la siguiente nota:

    «En nombre del pueblo de Cataluña proclamo el Estado Catalán bajo el régimen de la República Catalana, que libremente y con toda cordialidad anuncia y pide a los otros pueblos hermanos de España su colaboración en la creación de una Confederación de pueblos ibéricos, ofreciéndoles por los medios que sean librarles de la Monarquía borbónica. En este momento hacemos llegar nuestra voz a todos los Estados libres del mundo en nombre de la libertad, de la justicia y de la paz de los pueblos. – El presidente de la República Catalana, Francisco Maciá.»

    A la vez ha dirigido a todos los alcaldes de Cataluña el siguiente telegrama:

    «En el momento de proclamar el Estado Catalán bajo el régimen de República Catalana, os saludo con toda el alma y os pido que prometáis la colaboración para sostenerla, comenzando por proclamarla en vuestras ciudades y preparandoos para defenderla cuando os lo pida. Por la libertad de Cataluña, por la hermandad con los otros pueblos de España, por la paz internacional, sabed haceros dignos. – El presidente de la República Catalana.

    Los delegados del señor Maciá se incautan de las comunicaciones

    Por acuerdo del presidente de la República Catalana, varios delegados se incautaron de las oficinas de Telégrafos, de la Administración central de Correos y de la Central de Teléfonos.

    De Telégrafos se hizo cargo el que era oficial de dicho Centro y ha estado varias veces detenido por relación con los elementos revolucionarios, señor Escrich. De la Central de Correos se posesionó don Artemio Aiguadé, hermano del doctor del mismo apellido, y en la Central de Teléfonos se instaló el señor Miralles Pi, periodista, que ejercerá allí la censura para evitar que en las informaciones que se transmitan se den noticias tendenciosas, y sobre todo alarmistas, de sucesos.

    Numerosas manifestaciones

    Entre tanto, a medida que avanzaba la tarde las calles estaban llenas de público, recorriendolas en numerosas manifestaciones, algunas de las cuales iban con bandas de música, otras, llevando bustos de la República, y en general, los manifestantes con banderas de la República y banderas catalanas, dando vivas, cantando la Marsellesa y otros himnos del mismo carácter.

    En la plaza de Cataluña, un joven que pasaba en automóvil ha hecho unos disparos al aire, como protesta contra la actitud de algunos grupos de manifestantes. Estos le han rodeado, apaleándole, y la fuerza pública le ha protegido, llevándolo detenido.

    El gobernador recibe la orden de resignar el mando

    Al atardecer, el exconcejal y exdiputado radical don Emiliano Iglesias, con un grupo de elementos republicanos, se trasladaron al Gobierno civil para pedir al señor Márquez Caballero que le hiciera entrega de los poderes. El gobernador se negó en absoluto.

    El señor Iglesias se presentó nuevamente en el Gobierno civil, y como el señor Márquez Caballero, después de discutir con él, se retirase a sus habitaciones, se hizo presentar a los funcionarios que en el Gobierno se hallaban, incluso el jefe de la Guardia de Seguridad, todos los cuales le ofrecieron servir a la República con absoluta lealtad. El señor Iglesias dijo que se congratulaba de estas manifestaciones y que quería hacérselas saber al público.

    Efectivamente, salió al balcón con dicho oficial; pero los grupos, formados por varios millares de personas, prorrumpieron en gritos y denuestos tratando, al parecer, de penetrar en el edificio. Finalmente, y después de una serie de pequeños incidentes, los guardias se quitaron los escudos de los cascos y el oficial también hizo lo propio, con lo cual se calmaron los ánimos de los manifestantes.

    Casi al mismo tiempo que esto ocurría, el señor Márquez Caballero, puesto al habla con Madrid por teléfono, recibió orden del señor Maura para que resignase el mando en el presidente de la Audiencia.

    Don Emiliano Iglesias se niega a obedecer las órdenes de Madrid

    El presidente de la Audiencia se personó en el Gobierno civil para hacerse cargo del mando, conforme a lo comunicado por el nuevo ministro de la Gobernación, pero el señor Iglesias se negó a entregarla y, dirigiéndose luego a los periodistas y personas allí reunidos, dijo que actuaba en nombre del Comité Ejecutivo de Acción Ciudadana del partido radical en vista de que los elementos republicanos de Maciá se han hecho cargo de la Diputación y el Ayuntamiento. Hizo también un gran elogio al sentido de la disciplina del general Despujol, al que había visitado, y el cual le dijo que entregará el mando a quien le ordene el ministro del Ejército del Gobierno constituido, pero no a ninguna otra persona.

    Añadió que había saludado a los oficiales del Ejército que se encontraban en el antedespacho del capitán general, diciéndoles que había que pensar en España sobre todo, y que con esto ya quería significar bastante. Por último, ha dicho que facilitaría más tarde una alocución al pueblo de Barcelona.

    Se intenta asaltar y quemar el Archivo Antropométrico

    … A las diez de la noche un numeroso grupo se presentó frente a la delegación de Policía de Atarazanas, en donde está el archivo de ficheros antropométricos, con el intento, al parecer, de asaltar aquélla y destruir el archivo.

    Ante la actitud de los manifestantes, los guardias de Seguridad hicieron varios disparos, resultando muerto un soldado, que pasaba, al parecer casualmente, por aquel lugar, del batallón de Cazadores de Estella, y que no ha sido identificado, y varios heridos.

    En Capitanía fueron asistidos de heridas de arma de fuego Andrés Castillo y José Roquet, ambos guardias civiles. No se tienen más detalles.

    A medianoche se promovió un tiroteo – sin que se puedan saber las causas – en la calle de Anselmo Clavé, resultando muerto el vigilante nocturno Buenaventura Alsina, de cincuenta y cuatro años, y gravemente herido el guardia de Seguridad número 555, que ha ingresado en el Clínico.

    En el centro de Barcelona, a primera hora de la madrugada, continuaba extraordinaria animación, funcionando normalmente todos los teatros y establecimientos públicos.

    Nota de los Sindicatos Unicos

    Los Sindicatos Unicos han remitido la siguiente nota a los periódicos: «Ha sido proclamada la República en España. El nefasto Borbón que nos tenía la argolla al cuello, ha tenido que dejar el Poder. El Ayuntamiento, la Diputación, Correos y Telégrafos, están en manos del pueblo. Para sancionar estos hechos, el pueblo debe manifestarse en la calle. No nos entusiasma una República burguesa, pero no consentiremos una nueva Dictadura. Contra una posible reacción de los elementos armados, el pueblo debe estar en pie. Si la República ha de consolidarse indudablemente contando con la organización obrera. Como condición previa exigimos la inmediata libertad de todos nuestros presos. Después de este primordial, impondremos otras condiciones. La Confederación Regional del Trabajo de Cataluña declara la huelga general y está a la expectativa de los acontecimientos. Por la libertad de los presos, por la revolución, ¡viva la Confederación Nacional del Trabajo de España! Por la Organización obrera Comité Regional de Cataluña, Federación Local de Sindicatos de Barcelona.»

    Asalto a las cárceles

    A las cinco de la tarde, el director de la Cárcel Celular tuvo noticia de que llegaba una manifestación a exigir la libertad de los presos políticos. Por teléfono pidió al gobernador diciendo que estaba en gran compromiso por no haber presos políticos. El gobernador dijo que mandaba fuerza y que procurase contener a la manifestación. No fiándose de ello, el director comunicó con el capitán general, quien le contestó que iba a proclamar el estado de guerra y que mientras llegaba la manifestación la contuviese, que él mandaría un destacamento de la Guardia civil. Mientras tanto, llegó la manifestación, prendieron fuego a la puerta de la Cárcel, la derribaron con picos y mazas y dejaron en libertad a los 600 presos, casi todos ellos por delitos comunes. Han quedado solamente dos presos ciegos y tres locos.

    En la cárcel de mujeres ha ocurrido lo mismo. Fueron libertadas todas las presas y rotos los archivos y tiraron la fichas antropométricas.

    Asalto a Correos

    A primeras horas de la madrugada varios individuos se presentaron en el edificio de Correos e intentaron desarmar a unos guardias, lo que consiguieron. Cuando estaban en la parte superior donde había otros guardias con carabinas les encañaron las pistolas los desconocidos disparándoles varios tiros. Una de las balas tropezó con un mauser y otra rozó la rente de un guardia. Los guardias se defendieron disparando sus carabinas y matando a dos de los asaltantes que sujetaban con las manos sus pistolas. Los otros asaltantes se dieron a la fuga.

    Los estudiantes aceptan la República Catalana

    El presidente de la F. U. E., señor Sbert, que desde los primeros momentos estuvo ayer al lado de los republicanos, y que asistió a todos los actos que tuvieron lugar desde la proclamación de la República en Barcelona, manifestó a los periodistas que acababa de hablar con el presidente de la República Catalana, señor Maciá, poniéndose incondicionalmente a su disposición para la defensa del régimen naciente. Expuso que la F. U. E. tiene ya reconocida la fórmula federal del Estado en sus estatutos, y por tanto, no es, para ella ninguna violencia acatar la modalidad de la República federal, sino por el contrario, encaja perfectamente en su ideario.

    En cuanto a la actitud de los estudiantes, dijo que éstos volverán inmediatamente a la Universidad, por cuanto ha terminado su pleito de incompatibilidad con el régimen.

    El ministro del Gobierno provisional de Cataluña señor Carrasco, a Madrid. – Nicolau y Maciá conferencian

    A primera hora [del día 15] salió para Madrid en avión el ministro del Gobierno provisional de Cataluña, señor Carrasco, encargado de una misión especial cerca del Gobierno central.

    Al mediodía llegó al aeródromo del Prat del Llobregat el ministro de Economía del Gobierno central, Nicolau d’Olwer, el cual celebró una conferencia telefónica con el presidente, señor Maciá, y acto seguido reanudó su viaje aéreo hacia Madrid.

    El autor de la muerte de don Eduardo Dato en libertad

    Se ha ordenado que sean puestos en libertad quince presos políticos y sociales que estaban en Figueras. Entre ellos figura Pedro Matéu, condenado a cadena perpetua por la muerte de don Eduardo Dato.

    El presidente del Gobierno provisional de Cataluña aplaudido por la multitud

    … A las cuatro de la mañana [del día 15] desfiló por la plaza de la Constitución un regimiento de Infantería, con una banda de música, y al llegar al Palacio de la Generalidad, donde estaba reunido constituído en sesión permanente el Gobierno provisional de Cataluña, el presidente, señor Maciá, salió al balcón y fue saludado calurosamente por la multitud reunida en la plaza.

    En el zaguán de la Diputación formó un piquete de Ingenieros, que al paso de una compañía de Carabineros, precedida por la bandera republicana, rindió los honores correspondientes.

    [Cese rector de la universidad]

  • Fundación del POUM

    El POUM surgió, el 29 de septiembre de 1935, tras largas discusiones en el seno de las dos organizaciones [la Izquierda Comunista de España (ICE) y el Bloque Obrero y Campesino (BOC)] que lo formaron, con una triple finalidad: llevar hasta el fin la estrategia de la Alianza Obrera, impulsar la unificación de la CNT, la UGT y los sindicatos autónomos en una sola central sindical y reunir a todos los marxistas revolucionarios en un solo partido. Estos objetivos, largamente pensados y madurados, obedecían a un proyecto sin equívocos: colocar al proletariado español en condiciones de coronar el proceso político iniciado en 1930-1931 con la caída de la monarquía con la victoria de la revolución socialista, único medio, tras el fracaso de la II República, de transformar radicalmente la sociedad española, superando la impotencia de la burguesía para realizar las tareas que la historia imponía desde hacía luengos años [sic].

  • Los funerales de Durruti; la organización agrícola e industrial.

    Durruti’s funeral was this afternoon. The attendance at the parade and in the streets was massive. The whole city was out. The CNT ordered that all shops, bars, etc, should be closed during the ceremony. Most people organised by the CNT and the FAI were present at the gathering. Particularly interesting was the troop of control patrols (Checas) in their black uniforms. They turned out in their hundreds.

    I learned the truth about Durruti’s death from Nin, whom I met afterwards in a POUM bar. This is the way it was. On returning to the front Durruti ran into a group of milicianos coming away from the front. He asked them to go back. There was fight and he was shot by one of them. The public is unclear about the real story, and assumes that Durruti was killed by a Fascist bullet during an ambush. Durruti’s end is not inconceivable, according to reports of his general behaviour. POUM comrades told me how he was once most unfair and despotic in his dealings with a POUM column, and it was mooted at the time that certain people wanted to kill him. Durruti was very capable militarily, but he often seemed too undisciplined and despotic.

    On Sunday afternoon: Housewarming at a POUM Pioneer House. Like many others this house was confiscated by the POUM. It was originally a bourgeois country house. The pioneers — youth between the ages of 10 and 12 — made a very lively impression.

    After that a housewarming at a POUM library in a part of town called Gracia. The library is in a house which was taken over from a Marquis who had fled. The Committee of POUM Youth is there, as is comrade [Walter Schwarz]’s office (International Left). Most of the library’s collection comes from bourgeois houses in Barcelona, whose property was confiscated. It also contains Comrade [Ewald König] book collection. The inaugural speech was made in Catalan by a POUM member — a teacher. It stressed the class and Marxist orientation of the library and the class nature of all culture. Comrade König works in the library.

    In total, about 200 000 workers are supposed to have been called up into the army by now. It is estimated that in the rest of Spain the number is around 150 000. In any case, it is a smaller number than in Catalonia alone. These estimates are from comrades and are not official.

    Factories with more than 50 workers have been expropriated (incautado), while those with less than 50 have been put under workers’ control. Some of the smaller factories which produce munitions can be, and have been, taken over. Along with the confiscation of the factories goes the confiscation of factory capital. There is now a centralised distribution of raw materials, fuel, etc, in Catalonia, organised by the Economic Council. Foreign owners of factories have been promised compensation, but this is of only formal significance as no guarantees have been made as to how or when compensation will occur.

    In the evening I had a conversation on the state of Catalan agriculture with Comrade Sarda, who is supposed to be one of the POUM’s best agricultural experts. About 80 per cent of the land is suitable for modern mechanical farming methods. About 20 per cent of the land cannot be worked mechanically, due to its situation on mountain sides, hilltops, etc. Modern methods are also possible in the olive plantations, which are very important in Catalonia, and also in vineyards. Cultivating olives needs careful attention and plenty of fertiliser, otherwise they yield a small crop. Grain production is also very important here. Agricultural conditions vary a great deal in the different parts of Catalonia. In the area around Barcelona vegetables and fruit are intensively cultivated.

    The peasants in this area exported vast amounts, mainly to Britain, and were economically quite well off. Large estates predominated in Lérida province, which is now decisively under POUM influence. The other parts of Catalonia are mostly made up of small freeholders and tenant farmers. There are two types of tenant. First, there are the rabassaires. They provide all the equipment themselves and pay one third of the crop to the owners. The owners generally have nothing to do with the enterprise and, living on their rent collecting, tend to spend their time in cafés. The second category of tenant is just like the métayers in France. The owner provides all the equipment, including half the seed. The tenant then gives half the yield to the owner. The rabassaire tenants tend to be long-term, between 20 and 30 years, while the métayers are short-term and can expect to be left high and dry at any moment.

    The revolution immediately gave these tenants the right to all of the crop which they produced. The big farms were expropriated and are now largely collectively farmed, and the rural workers are helped by representatives of the workers’ organisations from the towns.

    Most of the tenant farmers and small peasants have formed unions, sometimes several in one place (CNT, UGT, rabassaires, Anarchists, etc). It is now decreed that every locality should only have one union which all peasants and rural workers should join. Such a union might be thought of as an agricultural cooperative. For the rural workers it is similar to a trade union. The union takes care of the communal sale of agricultural products, the communal buying of goods for the village cooperative shop, and the common use of agricultural equipment, oil-presses, wine making, etc. However, the cultivation of the land tends to take place individually.

    There have been some problems in Catalonia, due to the fact that, under the leadership of the lower organs of the CNT, collectivisation of the land has been carried out more radically than the farmers themselves wanted. The farmers do not agree with many of the orders which have been issued. The leading bodies of the CNT have made statements against these excesses by the lower levels of the leadership, but they do not seem to be wholly capable of eradicating them everywhere. According to the opinions of some experts, these excesses must be stopped if the revolution in Catalonia is to survive, and ways and means are being devised to deal with the situation.

    On the question of distribution of food, things look quite different from what I expected on the basis of a report I got recently from someone returning from Barcelona. In general there is no sign of a lack of food, either in the rear areas or at the front. The province of Catalonia grows masses of vegetables, fruit oil, grain, etc. The restaurants and the food shops have plenty of these goods. In general the workers’ standard of living has risen since 19 July. Wages are up by 13 per cent. They are paid in full even for short-time work. The milicianos at the front get 10 pesetas a day, and their families in the rear are also taken care of.

    There is a certain shortage of potatoes, but this is not very significant. More important is the shortage of fresh meat which has arisen, because the regions from which most of the meat comes to Catalonia have been occupied by the Fascists. There is a lot of fish. There is some shortage of charcoal, the normal cooking fuel of Catalonia. The houses themselves tend not to be heated, as the climate makes this unnecessary. Here and there milk is in short supply. I have been told that many people eat in the restaurants because they get meat supplies. The soldiers at the front get priority when it comes to the distribution of meat. According to those who have just come from there, nourishment at the front is said to be very good. The cost of food is much, much lower than in France. In the party club a good meal can be had for between two and 2.5 pesetas. Wine costs between 40 and 50 cents a litre. There are queues in front of butchers and the shops selling cooked beans and peas.

    In answer to the question as to why there were relatively few turncoats at the front, it was explained to me that this is prevented, above all, by the terror which the Fascists use against the relatives of those fighting at the front. In spite of this there are still many desertions from the Fascist lines. At the front itself oral propaganda is generally shouted between the trenches. The Fascists claim that it is they who will carry out Socialist policies. Fascist aeroplanes drop propaganda leaflets. I have been told of some cases of the Fascists dropping Le Populaire, apparently to prove to the milicianos that the French Popular Front Government has left them in the lurch. It is estimated that the Fascists have shot about 200 000 workers.

    Following 19 July all the churches in Barcelona were set on fire. It is usually only the interior which is burnt out. We were told that these acts of arson fitted in well with the mood of the people. Many priests are fighting stubbornly, arms in hand, on Franco’s side. According to the milicianos, the military strength of the Falangists in Catalonia is thought to be very considerable. They are quite often large farmers who have fled, village profiteers, etc, and caciques, who fight all the more bitterly, because their whole existence depends on the outcome of the war.

    Comrade König, who was in charge of the German bulletin, has now been relieved of this function. The move was prompted by the Trotskyists, and some material about the Moscow Trials was used.[The reference here is to the first of the Moscow Trials] Comrade Walter Schwarz is the POUM’s official coordinator of international links. In addition to that he has been elected organisational leader of the important district of Gracia. To be politically effective within the POUM it is essential to be able to speak Spanish and at least understand Catalan. Comrade Schwarz’s good position within the organisation has something to do with the fact that he has been an active member of the POUM for four years and was active at the front, and has thus won the confidence of many POUM members and other people there.

    The leaders of the Catalan troops are very quickly trained in people’s military schools. To enter one you must get recommended by a workers’ organisation. The entire course lasts four months. It is mostly concerned with training military leaders for the infantry. A smaller department trains those for the artillery. At the end of every four month period exams are held. Those who do a one month course are sent to the front as group leaders, after two months as non-commissioned officers, after three months as sergeants, and after four months as teniente or second lieutenants. The training is both theoretical and practical. It involves the elements of military tactics. The proletarian composition of these military schools is ensured by the way candidates are selected. But the number of bourgeois officers at their disposal is very small anyway, and is certainly not enough to form a bourgeois officer corps. The creation of proletarian military leaders is because of the situation after the revolt of 19 July in Catalonia.

  • Una larga discusión con Andrés Nin; las relaciones entre el PSUC y Esquerra; las exigencias del PSUC

    Saturday, 28 November 1936: At 10am I had a discussion with Nin. First of all I enquired as to the long term political perspectives for the government in Catalonia. He answered that at the moment it was impossible to see in precisely what way they could establish a workers’ and peasants’ government. Most interesting was what Nin had to say about the ways in which the continual political shifts among the rank and file express themselves in the leadership.

    This happens through the trade unions. According to Nin the workers are 100 per cent trade unionised. Following the shifts in influence of the political parties in the trade unions, the committees, which exercise power in the localities in Catalonia, change their composition in the same proportion. All political questions are discussed in the trade unions, and delegates are chosen according to the attitudes of the rank and file. It is also quite often the case that in areas where, for example, the POUM is strongest, even the CNT and UGT delegates represent POUM positions and feel like POUM representatives, even though they are not members of the organisation. According to this description the trade unions are the broad bodies through which proletarian democracy is put into effect. It can thus be seen that when, for example, the ratio of representatives of the various organisations is fixed in any locality, its real political composition alters in line with the attitudes of the rank and file.

    It is for this reason that the POUM has expended so much energy attempting to win over the UGT. Their former party trade union entered it.8) They maintain that, despite the bureaucracy of the PSUC and the Social Democrats, who have put all kinds of obstacles in their path, they are in a good position to win the leadership of the UGT. One of the PSUC’s tricks is to allow into the unions all kinds of petit-bourgeois elements, people who have nothing to do with trade unions.

    The POUM is also active in the CNT. They stand for a merger of the CNT and the UGT, and, according to them, this will soon be a reality. According to Nin’s account, which is backed up by Arquer and others, it is just not true that the representatives of the leading political committees are simply named by the party political leadership. They are elected by the membership, or the membership must agree with the selection. In any case the political development of the masses organised in trade unions — and that is equivalent to the entire working class — is reflected in the composition or the political position of the committee. This is a proletarian democracy (which is also the start of the proletarian dictatorship), whose organ is primarily the trade unions.

    Nin was very critical of the PSUC. The PSUC and the Esquerra tend to hang around together. The CNT informed him that the PSUC sent them a confidential letter containing the following demands:

    1. Full dictatorial powers for the government
    2. Exclusion of the POUM from the government.
    3. Abolition of the junta de defensa and all bodies through which the workers’ organisations carry out their control over the armed forces at the front and in the rear.

    Even the CNT, as well as the UGT members, strongly opposed this statement and rejected it.

    Nin also gave a report of a conference or meeting of government members after the October celebrations, whereby, quite characteristically, Companys is said to have called for a Socialist republic, whilst Antonov-Ovseyenko,9) the consular representative of the Soviet Union, came out in favour of a bourgeois republic.

    Moreover, Nin told me of an article which Antonov-Ovseyenko sent to the Barcelona press denouncing an article in La Batalla. He described the POUM as Fascistic. On the following Sunday, Nin and some other POUM spokesmen publicly and sharply replied to this attack.

    Nin says the Esquerra should not be taken for a liberal bourgeois party. There are no elements of the big bourgeoisie in their ranks but, rather, peasants, petit-bourgeois and a considerable number of workers — professional workers. It would be more appropriate to compare the Esquerra to the Russian Socialist Revolutionary Party.

    On the question of the international working class movement, Nin’s position can be summed up by the following:

    1. He admits that the Brussels conference was a flop.
    2. At the international conference in Barcelona the ideological basis for a new International should be worked out, but the time is not yet ripe for its immediate formation.
    3. In reply to the question of what does he imagine the relationship of a new International to the Soviet Union may be, he said that he thought that a victory in Spain ‘through its effect on France and other countries, could alter the internal regime of the Soviet Union’. A reform of the Comintern would only be imaginable if ‘Stalin were to take a walk’.

    Nin was evasive in response to my suggestion of financial payment from the POUM for our propaganda. He said that the party was currently stocktaking the goods which they had confiscated. It seems that they have come across a lot of things of little worth. Of course, I did not pursue the matter any further.

    Characteristic of Nin’s attitude to the Soviet Union was his remark that the workers have less freedom of expression there than in Hitler’s Germany. We both agreed that we were divided by totally opposing attitudes to the Soviet Union.

  • El POUM rebautiza a calles, un mítin, Lérida después de la revolución

    Monday, 1 December 1936: Some of the streets with saints’ names were renamed after POUM people who have fallen. Arquer gave a little speech at each street. There was a procession with music, flags, etc. The widows of the fallen men were there dressed in mourning.

    Finally a public meeting in a large theatre. Nin, Arquer and [Wilebaldo Alonso Solano] spoke, as did McGovern from the ILP, and a man from the SAP. Nin replied to the attacks on La Batalla and the POUM by the Soviet consul Antonov-Ovseyenko to the sound of mighty applause from the auditorium. The meeting was very lively.

    In the afternoon a trip to Lérida in the POUM car with Walter Schwarz and Sarda. Drove past Montserrat. The countryside round Barcelona has been turned into gardens for market gardening and fruit orchards. Arrived at Lérida at about 8pm. We ate in a huge old nunnery which had been taken over by the town council as a canteen for milicianos and deserters from the Fascists. The catering had been well organised and there was plenty of food, potatoes, fresh meat, wine, etc.

    Later on we went to a POUM bar. It is in the former club building of the Rightist party, very nicely decorated and in the centre of town. Downstairs is a café where milicianos and party comrades have lively discussions. The POUM dominates the town and province of Lérida. It has predominantly textile industries. Several burnt out churches. There is a lot of bustle on the streets. Lots of movement to and from the front. The party secretary is a young man in his early 30s.

    There were two regiments in the town made up mainly of farmers’ sons from the surrounding area. The officers had been preparing an uprising in Lérida, but waited for the result of the battle for Barcelona before they came out. After the defeat in Barcelona they did not dare to crack down. Two hundred officers and leading lights of the right were shot, and the soldiers were demobbed. Initially only workers were sent to the front. Now, soldiers, too, are called up.

    We were quartered in the Palace Hotel. It is clean and in good condition. Breakfast — one peseta. The POUM is in control of the UGT, which is dominant in Lérida. The CNT is weak in Lérida.